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  • 20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them

    From 2009 to 2010, freelance food writer and chef Robin Wheeler combed through old cookbooks to try her hand at recipes that had been popular in the middle of the 20th century, but had since fallen badly out of favor.The results were inspiring …. albeit mostly in terms of what not to do.

    We rounded up twenty outtakes from Wheeler’s project, showing what happens when a professional chef meets the deadly processed concoctions of 1960s-era mass market cookbooks. Take a deep breath, brace your stomach, and prepare for a journey back in time, to an era when food neither tasted good nor looked it.

    To give a terrifying hint of what is it to come, we’ll dive right into No. 20, pictured above and below … “Jellied Bouillon with Frankfurters.”

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (21)

    20. Jellied Bouillon with Frankfurters
    And no, that’s not a joke. There really was such a dish — and Wheeler, God bless her, really did make it.

    Directions begin: “Dissolve unflavored gelatin in hot beef broth. In a pretty gelatin mold, place diced celery, slices of hard-boiled eggs and hot dogs in an eye-pleasing design. Pour beef Jell-O into the mold. Chill until firm.”

     

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    19. Apricot Salad
    Here’s a snippet of the recipe: “Boil apricot Jell-O with eight pounds of sugar (approximately) and water. Whip with cream cheese. Consider a welding mask for this job, lest molten Jell-O-cheese fly into your face. Add a giant can of crushed pineapple with syrup, Gerber’s and chopped pecans.”

    Read more here, if you dare.

     

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    18. “New-Look Cocktail Spreads”
    This recipe is from 1967’s Perfect Parties by Good Housekeeping magazine. From our original story on these red and green cheese balls: “The recipe instructs that the cheese balls should be rolled in foil, chilled and then coated in dried beef (red) and chopped curly parsley (green). Joke’s on you! It’ll look nothing like the photos in the cookbook! Good Housekeeping molded the cheese balls in fluted molds and topped them with hairdos of garnish that look like 1970s porn pubes.”

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (4)

    17. Fruitcake Slices: All the Fun of Fruitcake with None of the Booze This recipe was pulled from Pillsbury’s 1976 Festive Baking for All Seasons: Dunk them Oreo-style in Jack Daniel’s — not just because you need to take the edge off, but because the lack of liquid in the recipe makes the cookies dry as coal. The cherries distract from the dryness with a rubber crunch and a mouthfeel that can come only from a marinade in high-fructose corn syrup. Read more here.

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (5)

    16. Scandinavian Sandwich
    The Scandinavian Sandwich in 1972’s Better Homes and Gardens’ Jiffy Cooking has ingredients from England, America, France and Italy. And it has exactly one thing in common with Scandinavian cuisine. It tastes like flavorless crap. It’s char and mush.

    Read more about this recipe.

     

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    15. The “Triple Play Warmer”
    The master of all advertising cookbooks, A Campbell’s Cookbook: Cooking with Soup, spawned this recipe. The “Triple Play Warmer,” like 98 percent of the recipes in the book, wasn’t created because it tasted good. It was created to sell as many cans of soup as possible.

    Read more about this heinous recipe.

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (7)

    14. The Good: Hot Dog Nutty Fritters
    The Bad: Hot Dog Salad Dressing These recipes were pulled from 1968’s Nathan’s Famous Hot Dog Cookbook and came out not-so-bad and vomit-inducing, respectively.

    Read more about these recipes here.

     

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    13. Reuben Chowder
    Writes Wheeler, “I knew I’d hate the Reuben Chowder recipe from 1983’s Better Homes and Gardens Soups and Stews Cook Book. Canned corned beef pisses me off almost as much as hunger itself. But as a little experiment, I opted to fast in preparation.”

    Read more about this recipe here.

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (9)


    12. Salmon Rice Casserole

    “Thanks to Pyrex Prize Recipes, I’m over it. With its Salmon Rice Casserole recipe, Pyrex hasn’t just turned me against my beloved pimiento cheese, but I don’t think I’ll be able to eat rice, salmon or olives in any form ever again.”

    Read more about this recipe here.

     

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    11. Jellied Chicken

    This recipe was taken from The Blender Way to Better Cooking — 200 pages of recipes, all requiring a blender. Enough said.

    Read more about this recipe here.

     

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    10. Vienna Sausage Shortcake
    “Leave it to those jackasses at Good Housekeeping to bring Vienna sausages back into my world with their 1967 Keep Cool Cookbook,” writes Wheeler about this dish.

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (12)

    9. Pickle Stretcher Salad
    “Oh, the hilarity of the Pickle Stretcher Salad recipe in 1969’s Salads Cookbook! Over 500 salad recipes, and not a one contains fresh vegetables!” writes Robin Wheeler about this recipe. “The Pickle Stretcher Salad gave me the most visceral reaction I have ever had to a food-like item. I love olives, dill pickles and just about anything limey, but combining the three left me with a shiver that wouldn’t stop traveling my spine. One bite, and I’m sure I will never, ever forget the texture of slime and crunchy, the taste of ammonia and acid.”

    Read more about stretching your pickle here.

     

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    8. Gooey Buns: Not What You’d Think.
    “Gooey Buns sound like a yummy breakfast pastry. They’re not. Grind bologna, American cheese, mustard, mayo and relish into a paste. Spread inside buttered hot dog buns, wrap in foil, and place in the oven until the buns are stale.”

    Read more about this awful recipe here.

     

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    7. “Dad’s Denvers”
    Take a French roll and spread with deviled ham. If you have a really good relationship with your dad, substitute canned cat food, which is made with higher-quality meat than Satan’s pork-meat product. Cook a green onion omelet in bacon fat and place atop the Devil Chow. Top with tomato and broil. Do not serve to dads with heart conditions.

    Read more about this recipe here.

     

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    6. “Circle Pups”
    This mustard-covered dish is included in the 1963 edition of Better Homes and Gardens Meals in Minutes, the same bastard that gave us Friday Franks. This time it’s Circle Pups, which sounds like something dirty that might happen at a fraternity initiation.

    Read more about this mustard abomination here.

     

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    5. “Crown Roast”
    This crown roast tells your family, “I had ten minutes and five dollars to waste on you people. Eat up.” It tastes like…hell, does it even matter? It’s Treet covered with orange marmalade and baked. It tastes exactly like you think it would taste.”

    Read more about this royal recipe here.

     

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    4. “Busy Lady Beefcake”
    There were lots of busy ladies in 1966, entering recipes in the 17th annual Pillsbury Busy Lady Bake-Off in hopes of winning the $25,000 grand prize.

    Read more about this recipe here.

     

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    3. Prune Whip
    At first glance Prune Whip looks downright dangerous. With its raw whipped egg white folded into cooked prune puree, a kid could die from the combination of salmonella and nature’s laxative.

    Read more about this recipe here.

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (19)

    2. Asparagus-Macaroni Loaf
    Meat and bread aren’t the only foods suitable for the loaf treatment. In 1968’s Favorite Recipes of America – Vegetables, we counted four rings, eight loaves and a mold in its 370 pages. Since it was spring, we opted for the Asparagus-Macaroni Loaf.

    Read more about this recipe here.

     

     

    20 Unholy Recipes: Dishes So Awful We Had to Make Them (20)

    1. “Stellar Sauce”
    You know the top spot had to go to a sauce of some sort, especially a sauce with such a promising description as “stellar.” The secret to this sauce? Cream of celery soup with melted Gruyère.

    Read more about this recipe here.

  • With $35M to Spend on Charter Schools, Opportunity Trust’s Plan Remains Blurry

    With $35M to Spend on Charter Schools, Opportunity Trust’s Plan Remains Blurry

    Last September, Opportunity Trust, a St. Louis nonprofit that aims to support education reform initiatives, was awarded $35.6 million in federal money to expand access to charter schools in Missouri. Since then, the nonprofit has beenquiet about how they plan to use this unprecedented amount of money to improve education. The lack of details has fueled anger from local teacher unions and other advocates for St. Louis Public Schools who feel that charter schools undermine public education.

    It’s the first time Missouri has won the U.S. Department of Education’s Charter School Program entity award grant, and the money comes at a pivotal time for St. Louis Public Schools. The number of students enrolled in SLPS has dropped nearly by half since the turn of the century, as students and their families continue to move out of the city. Although the grant will impact schools statewide, all eyes are on St. Louis as local leaders — including Keisha Scarlett, who is still in her first year as superintendent — attempt to reignite the school district.

    The grant has drawn protests, including a recent press conference outside Opportunity Trust’s headquarters in the Delmar Divine. After I covered the conference for the RFT, Rachel Powers, partner for communications and community coalitions at Opportunity Trust, reached out with a strongly worded email saying critics did not understand the full picture.

    In return, I asked for an interview with Eric Scroggins, CEO of Opportunity Trust. Powers said he was unavailable to speak, but offered herself instead.

    “We have to really ask where are families going and why?” Powers asserts. “The schools we do have are failing our kids and test scores are not where they need to be. What is the district doing to have a comprehensive plan for their schools?”

    Asked about the grant money and the process by which it will be allocated, Powers acknowledges that much of the specific implementation plan has not been figured out. “We are still in the planning phases with the Department of Education point person,” she says. As of now, she says, the plan is to spend money preparing charter school staff and faculty, improving charter school resources, renovating charter school buildings and boosting student transportation systems. She adds that the next step is to gain approval to start accepting applications for subgrants, but that implementation strategies will not be nailed down until at least February.

    State law currently allows charter schools to operate in St. Louis City and Kansas City, and schools in those districts will have the opportunity to apply for funding from this grant. Powers says they could be joined by other Missouri public school districts that are motivated to sponsor their own charter schools. But district-sponsored charter schools are a fairly new concept. In fact, the idea has been actualized only once in Missouri, when the Leadership School opened in the Normandy school district in 2022. After just one year of operation, state regulators cited itas being financially stressed.

    Teachers’ unions are among the biggest critics of charter schools, which receive public funds even as they’re exempt from certain laws governing traditional public schools. The American Federation of Teachers, Local 420, argues that the Opportunity Trust lied about a formal partnership in their grant application, stating in a recent press release that the organization “has reached a new low by falsely claiming collaboration with the St. Louis Public Schools (SLPS) District.”

    Powers believes that what they’re referencing is the St. Louis Public Schools Consortium Partner Network, or CPN. Formed in 2018, the CPN aims to create more autonomy for a few schools in the network in a way that models charter school structures. Opportunity Trust included CPN in their application.

    “We looked at the application and it was filled with factual errors about the Consortium,” says Byron Clemens, spokesman for Local 420. “It was just one of many factually inaccurate elements of the application.” He adds that president of the school board, Antoinette Cousins, sees it in a similar way.

    Ultimately, Powers emphasizes that in order to address students and their families leaving the St. Louis district, they must replace poor-performing public schools with “new schools that have proven results.”

    Powers notes, “The research says that creating new schools,” as opposed to improving or expanding current schools, “is the most effective strategy to improve schools.” In this way, the Opportunity Trust believes St. Louis will be expanding student access to quality seats that offer a quality education. “We’ve got to put our kids first,” she says.

    In response, Clemens points out that under U.S. News and World Report’s rankings, many of the top-performing schools in the state are public schools, including St. Louis’ own Metro and Collegiate high schools. He adds that charter school strategies to improve St. Louis education remain at best unclear — and at worst truly unsuccessful.

    “They never define a quality seat,” Clemens argues, referencing a student’s access to the school. The lack of clarity may explain why since the year 2000, more than half of the charter schools in St. Louis have closed.

    Powers says Opportunity Trust wants to work with the district. “We are 100 percent open to [collaboration] with SLPS and there’s no clear reason why we shouldn’t partner,” she says. Yet she falls silent when asked why collaboration efforts have yet to be successful.

    “Why not make an equitable and comprehensive school system in our community that allows parents to choose what’s best for their children,” Powers asks. She adds that Opportunity Trust’s vision of a future St. Louis school system includes both charter and traditional public schools.

    Clemens, for one, is skeptical.

    “Maybe after they burn it down then they will be willing to collaborate with us,” he says.

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  • Ask a Mexican: Where’s the beef? Why Mexicans like their steaks cut thin.

    Ask a Mexican: Where’s the beef? Why Mexicans like their steaks cut thin.

    Dear Mexican: Mi hermano y yo tenemos un dispute. We all know that Mexicans love their bistec sliced muy thin, but why? My brother is adamant that the diet of free-range vacas mexicanas results in tough meat, necessitating a thin slice for easy mastication. I think the reason is purely an economic one, since Mexicans are famously poor. Are mis amigos south of the border just trying to pinch a peso? We both know that usted es the sole hombre qualified to answer this question. So, what’s the scoop?
    Two Meatheads

    Dear Gabachos: The Mexican’s theory: you won’t find many thick cuts of meat in Mexi kitchens because carne delgadita is easier to cook, simpler to stuff into tortillas, and ultimately more delicious. However, your wabby servant is a mere novice in Mexican food knowledge compared to James Beard Award-winning Robb Walsh, one of the most Mexican gabachos after George Lopez, and author of the recently released Sex, Death and Oysters: A Half-Shell Lover’s World Tour. His thoughts? “Thick steaks became popular in the 1960s, when the U.S. switched over to a national beef production system,” Walsh told the Mexican. “Calves were born in Florida, raised on ranches in the West, injected with chemicals and fattened on feed lots in the Midwest, butchered at large central slaughterhouses and aged by meat packers in Chicago. Premium thick-cut ‘corn-feed’ beef steaks became available under this system.” Before that, American cows were much like their brown cousins — grazing on open ranges, always near local butchers, and so never bulked up to the freakishly large sizes reached by modern-day gabacho cows (can bovines belong to a race? In this column they do!) — and American beef was thin as a result. The introduction of NAFTA, however, has flooded Mexico with inferior American beef, and restaurants south of the frontera now offer thick cuts. “Famously poor”…for crying out loud. Such racism! Save that thought when you ask me about Mexicans living eighteen to an apartment, m’kay?

    Dear Mexican: Do Mexicans hurt more and longer after lost amores, more than gabachos? I’m asking, vato, because I can’t get someone out of my mind and my heart yearns for her, even though I last saw her in 1995. Y está casada también.
    Confessin’ a Feeling

    Dear Wab: Most of us can’t get over the fact that the United States stole half of our territory 160 years ago — what do you think?!

    Dear Mexican: The recent death of Samuel P. Huntington begs the question: What sort of dance should one do on his grave? A snappy son jarocho zapateado would rattle his bigoted bones pretty good, but you’d probably opt to see couples twirling over his plot to the brassy strains of some banda sinaloense. I know how much you love that oompah-loompah crap.
    El Jefe

    Dear Boss: Have some respect: Mexican brass music is not Oompah Loompah doodlings. Anyways, the holidays did bring some cheer to the world: the death of the Harvard historian Huntington, the most overrated public intellectual since Mark Steyn. Huntington, who famously predicted the rise of worldwide cultural conflicts in the 1993 essay “The Clash of Civilizations ” spent his last years arguing that Mexicans were almost as grave a threat to the American nation as Al-Qaeda because we come from a culture altogether incompatible with American ideals, a hilarious thought when one considers how easily Dallas Cowboys quarterback Tony Romo throws interceptions. Mark my words: Huntingon’s theories will one day be held in the same respect as phrenology and Bernie Madoff. I thereby curse Huntington with the worst possible hex for Know Nothings: brown descendants. And guess what? If Huntington is proven correct, my curse will become reality. Either way, Mexicans win — ¡arriba, arriba!

    Ask the Mexican at [email protected], myspace.com/ocwab, or write to him via snail mail at: Gustavo Arellano, P.O. Box 1433, Anaheim, CA 92815-1433!

  • Dead Reckoning

    Dead Reckoning

    You don’t see too many arsenic-poisoning homicides these days, so it came as an unsettling surprise when a St. Louis county toxicologist determined in mid-December that John Mullen had been served up a killing dose inside his swank, bluff-top home in Chesterfield. Even more surprising was how long it took to officially conclude the death was a homicide: nearly five and a half months.

    “I have no idea why it took so long,” says St. Louis county medical examiner Mary Case. “To determine whether something tests negative takes two to three weeks, and if it’s positive it usually takes four weeks.”

    Michael Graham, chief medical examiner for the city of St. Louis, is inclined to agree. “These laboratory tests [to detect arsenic] are relatively complicated, but this did take a rather long time,” concedes Graham, who performed the autopsy on Mullen.

    The 67-year-old Mullen was a well-liked physicist and research scientist at the old McDonnell Aircraft Corporation (now the Boeing Company). He retired in 1999 but remained active as a Boeing consultant. An avid pilot, Mullen co-owned Creve Coeur Airport for nearly twenty years. The father of two grown sons, he’d divorced long ago but had a girlfriend whose daughter was staying at his home at the time of his death.

    “He was a really nice guy, a wonderful person, and this was quite a shock,” recalls John Cournoyer, one of Mullen’s partners at the airport. “There was nothing to indicate there were any problems [at home].”

    “This whole thing is bizarre,” agrees Al Stix, another airport partner. “I’m still flabbergasted. You just want to know who did it.” Stix adds that Mullen was always “very careful about his health,” not wanting to lose his pilot’s license for medical reasons. “John worked twenty hours a day. He was the most industrious guy I’ve ever known. He was a very happy, ‘up’ sort of person.”

    On the morning of June 29, 2004, Mullen called 911 and said he was feeling very sick. A Chesterfield police officer was dispatched to his home, which overlooks Gumbo Cemetery near the intersection of Long and Wild Horse Creek roads. Paramedics whisked Mullen to St. John’s Mercy Medical Center, where investigators were able to interview him. He died later that day.

    Police immediately ruled out the possibility of suicide. At a mid-December news conference, Captain Ed Nestor of the Chesterfield Police Department revealed the toxicology findings and declared the case a homicide. Police, he said, looked into Mullen’s life-insurance policy and beneficiaries.

    Nestor also took the time to single out the work of the officer who had responded to Mullen’s 911 call. The officer, Nestor noted, had sensed something about the victim’s symptoms that led him to believe the man had been poisoned. (The symptoms of arsenic poisoning include excessive saliva, difficulty swallowing and gastric hemorrhage. As the poison’s effects progress, the victim may experience a seizure that usually results in death.) The officer “gathered evidence” at the scene that “turned out to be very helpful. The case certainly would have gone a different way if he had not done it.”

    Aside from those revelations, however, Nestor was vague — so vague, in fact, that he declined to name the evidence-gathering cop.

    A month later the Chesterfield police captain is still playing it close to the vest. Nestor declines to identify the heroic officer or to comment on any aspect of the case for this story. “I’m a media-friendly guy,” he says. “But getting a successful prosecution is what I’m trying to do.”

    Christopher Long, the St. Louis county forensic toxicologist who performed the tests in the Mullen case, defends the delay in ruling Mullen’s death a homicide. “Arsenic cases are different,” he maintains. “Sometimes things just take longer.”

    Long would know: He played a key role in the successful prosecution of a 1995 attempted-murder case involving arsenic. The case, which gained national attention, involved a St. Louis man named Jim Boley who set about to systematically poison his ex-wife, Donna, after secretly upping her life insurance to $600,000. Boley’s modus operandi was to put rat poison into the salt shaker his ex used each day and to dose her milk. Long’s tests on Donna Boley’s hair showed she’d been slowly poisoned over the course of three months or longer. The wife survived; Boley is serving a life sentence.

    Long speculates that the massive levels of arsenic found in Mullen’s body might have come from an easily obtained, garden-variety ant poison. The toxicologist says his tests showed that Mullen’s death was caused by a single massive dose of the substance.

    How might Mullen have been poisoned with arsenic? “I can’t say why at this point, because that could compromise the police investigation,” says chief medical examiner Graham. He will say, however, that in more than 90 percent of all arsenic-related murders, the substance is ingested orally.

    Neither the city of St. Louis nor the county keeps records on how often arsenic has been used as a murder weapon. “I’ve been here since 1981, and I can’t think of one,” says Graham. In Missouri, according to the Centers for Disease Control, there have been ten murders by poison since 1978. But the federal agency does not track the type of poison used.

    Arsenic has been the object of macabre fascination for centuries. Some believe Napoleon Bonaparte’s death in 1821 can be traced to arsenic, because small amounts of the substance were found in his hair. (The French ruler’s residence was decorated with wallpaper containing Paris green, an arsenic-laced compound used in fabrics that was not recognized as a health hazard until the end of the nineteenth century.) And arsenic was the homicidal poison of choice for murder-mystery writers of yesteryear. In 1944 Cary Grant starred in Frank Capra’s Arsenic and Old Lace, the classic comedic tale of two sweet old ladies whose hobby is killing lonely old men and burying them in their cellar.

    But murder by arsenic, which seemed almost fashionable in the early nineteenth century, became far less popular when, in the 1830s, British chemist James Marsh developed a sure-fire method for detecting the substance.

    “One thing about arsenic,” notes Michael Graham. “Once it gets in the body, it stays there forever.”

  • Dirty Little Secrets

    Dirty Little Secrets

    The way Jason Cole tells it, a friend had just picked him up to go buy a pair of Air Force Ones. Cole didn’t know the car had been reported stolen. When St. Louis police tried stopping the young men near a strip mall at the intersection of Delmar and Union boulevards on February 4, 2003, Cole bailed out and ran while his buddy sped off. The seventeen-year-old says he was scared — he’d been injured in a crash a year earlier when a car he was riding in was chased by police who were looking for robbers, and he wasn’t eager to face the cops again.

    Whatever his past experiences with the law, Cole wasn’t fleeing when the police caught up with him at the strip mall.

    It was 3:30 p.m., the middle of what had been a routine day for Ryan Wilson, a mechanic at Boss Express Lube next to the mall. In a written statement prepared less than 24 hours later, Wilson stated that he saw a police cruiser park next to the repair shop while another officer approached on foot. Police ran toward Cole, he recalls, but there wasn’t any need. “He didn’t look like he was up to anything,” Wilson says today.

    In a statement written shortly after the incident, Donald Logan, one of Wilson’s co-workers, confirmed Wilson’s account. “The man stood there while the officers ran to him,” Logan wrote. “He was facing the officers and saw them coming.”

    Carolyn Martini, a jobs trainer at an employment agency called Productive Futures, was about twenty feet away, watching the scene unfold through her office window. By this time, several police cars had arrived. Martini believes Cole was trying to blend in with people standing outside.

    “There were people everywhere,” Martini recalls. “I remember my students wanted to go outside. I told them to stay here. He was not going anywhere — I want to make that very clear. He was not trying to get away.”

    Nor was Cole threatening anyone, Martini asserted in the statement she prepared a day afterward. “The black male was not resisting at all and had both hands in full view,” she wrote. “I saw nothing in either of his hands.”

    “They took me to the ground and handcuffed me,” recalls Cole, who stood five-foot-eight and weighed 130 pounds at the time, according to court records. “An officer had me pinned down with his knee. Another officer grabbed me by the hair, pulled my head up, then hit my face against the ground.” The impact knocked out one tooth and drove another into his upper gum, leaving Cole bleeding and screaming in pain. He was driven away in a patrol car, but he says the officers soon stopped and summoned an ambulance. “The officer said, ‘If you get any blood on me, it will be worse than it already is,’” Cole remembers.

    After being X-rayed and treated at Children’s Hospital, Cole was taken to the police station, where he was locked up for a few hours, then released. Charges of cocaine possession and resisting police are pending.

    Bystanders agree Cole didn’t provoke officers. In his written statement, Wilson said an officer hoisted Cole off the ground by his pants and shirt and threw him to the pavement, where he was surrounded by officers who held him down. Then an officer slammed Cole’s face into the sidewalk, Wilson says. Earnestine Evon Underwood, who was working at Productive Futures, recalled the same thing in her written statement. “While one officer had the young man pinned to the ground by placing his foot on the young man’s back, another officer slammed the young man’s head, face first, into the concrete,” she wrote. “The young man was offering no resistance to the officers.”

    “It was wrong,” Wilson says today. “I guess they were just getting their rocks off. I went up and asked them, ‘Why’d you do him like that?’ One of the officers said, ‘That’s what happens when you run from the police.’”

    In a written statement Cole gave police, he said he was injured when he tripped while being arrested. He also admitted he was carrying crack cocaine, which he claimed he was holding for a friend.

    His lawyer, Richard Sindel, dismisses Cole’s statement, arguing that it was made under duress.

    “Here’s a seventeen-year-old kid who’s in the custody of police who’d just knocked the crap out of him [and are] saying, ‘Here, say this,’” asserts Sindel, who says he may file a civil lawsuit on Cole’s behalf once the criminal case is dispensed with. “He had gone approximately five or six blocks from the area where he’d gotten out of the car. It’s pretty inconceivable to me that if that were the case, he didn’t throw the cocaine away.”

    St. Louis Circuit Attorney Jennifer Joyce says her staff and the U.S. Attorney’s Office looked into the circumstances surrounding Cole’s arrest and concluded no charges should be pursued against police. Citing the pending charges against Cole, she declined to provide further details. Through a spokeswoman, U.S. Attorney Ray Gruender declined comment for this story.

    The St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department has a file on the alleged beating in its internal-affairs division. But the case didn’t turn up when the Riverfront Times filed a public-records request six months ago for internal-affairs documents on cases dating back to April 1, 1997, involving officers suspected of criminal conduct.

    In fact, not much turned up at all.

    It took the department three full months to produce paperwork. First came one-page summaries of 40 complaints, all of them censored to obscure the names and badge numbers of accused officers. The department subsequently produced 28 more summaries, similarly redacted. Some of the summaries were incomplete, cut off in mid-sentence at the end of the first page, before narratives revealed the gist of alleged wrongdoing.

    The department didn’t hand over any investigative files detailing how complaints had been handled. In most cases, the records that were furnished did not even indicate whether the complaints had been sustained or disproven.

    The police did, however, supply a bill. To cover 30-plus hours of staff time spent compiling the paperwork, the department sent along an invoice — for $1,090.


    During the past decade, and especially over the past five years, brutality complaints against St. Louis police have plummeted.

    In the early and mid-1990s, the department received more than a hundred physical-abuse complaints annually and upheld four to six allegations each year. By 2002, however, the force had reached a ten-year low, with a mere 24 complaints of physical abuse, none of which were upheld.

    St. Louis police last upheld a physical-abuse complaint in 2000, according to department statistics covering the years 1992 through 2002. During that decade, the department sustained nearly 3 percent of such complaints. But if the past four years are considered separately, the rate falls to less than one-half of 1 percent.

    Complaints involving other types of officer misconduct are also dropping. Until 2000, department stats show between 587 and 826 internal-affairs complaints were handled each year, including allegations of theft, harassment, verbal abuse, conduct unbecoming an officer and violations of various department procedures. By 2002 the figure had fallen to 384.

    Police aren’t offering any explanations for the numbers. The department didn’t respond to requests for interviews with officials knowledgeable about internal-affairs cases and procedures, nor did the department answer written questions submitted at the request of police spokesman Richard Wilkes.

    Outside the department, experts say there could be several reasons behind the trend.

    “It could mean either one of two completely opposite things,” says Samuel Walker, a University of Nebraska criminologist who has studied internal-affairs procedures with the help of grants from the U.S. Department of Justice. “Police behavior could, in fact, be improving. Or it could be that people are just discouraged by the complaint process and so don’t bother. There’s a long history of departments actually intimidating people from coming in and filing complaints. They just lie and bullshit them, say, ‘You can’t file a complaint here. No, we don’t accept these complaints.’” One of the best-known examples, Walker notes, is Rodney King’s brother, who was threatened with arrest when he tried to file a brutality complaint after the infamous videotaped beating in 1991.

    Two years ago the Missouri Supreme Court unanimously ruled that internal-affairs files are public records when officers are suspected of criminal conduct. The court specifically stated that police departments cannot treat such files as personnel records, pre-empting a tactic that departments, including St. Louis, had often employed in denying access to internal-affairs records. When in doubt, the court said, err on the side of disclosure.

    The justices weighed in after Kirkwood police officer Steve Guyer sued his employer, which refused to give him an internal-affairs file prepared after he was accused of drug trafficking and receiving sexual favors from prostitutes. The allegation, which was handled by St. Louis County police, proved false: An investigator who spoke with several witnesses, including the person believed to have filed the anonymous complaint, determined it was a case of neighborhood gossip. But the department claimed the files must be kept secret because they were personnel records, which are exempt from disclosure under the state’s Sunshine Law.

    With lawyers paid for by the Missouri Fraternal Order of Police, Guyer sued, contending that the Sunshine Law required release of the records because the files constituted investigative documents — the equivalent of police reports that are generated when a civilian is accused of a crime. The supreme court agreed in a ruling issued in March 2001.

    The decision in Guyer v. Kirkwood prompted Missouri Attorney General Jay Nixon to alert law-enforcement agencies that internal-affairs files are subject to the Sunshine Law. In a bulletin issued shortly after the decision, the attorney general cautioned that the court had decided complaints are “always” public records in cases of alleged criminal conduct, and that the accompanying investigative files “may” be subject to disclosure. “The impact on police personnel records is significant,” reads the dispatch from Nixon’s office.

    Since Guyer, several local departments, including St. Louis County, Kirkwood and University City, have released internal-affairs files in response to requests from the Riverfront Times. Besides the Guyer documents, the departments released files on former University City officer Anthony Hall, who was fired for suspected theft in 2001; and former county officer Thomas Zeigler, who got into a domestic dispute with his wife in 2002 and was later charged with shooting a fellow officer. No names were blacked out, and cases against the officers were spelled out in detail, as were the efforts made by investigators to find the truth.

    St. Louis police claim the department has destroyed most of the investigative files the Riverfront Times requested. Citing records-retention guidelines published by the Missouri Secretary of State’s Office, Michael Stelzer, counsel to Chief Joe Mokwa and the St. Louis Board of Police Commissioners, says the department destroys files after one year on claims that aren’t proven and gets rid of files after five years on sustained complaints.

    Lynn Morrow, director of the local-records preservation program in the Secretary of State’s Office, says state guidelines for internal-affairs records were written within the past two years. “It wasn’t scheduled previously,” Morrow says. “We had some police clerks that asked us to put it in there.” The guidelines, he adds, are the least that law-enforcement agencies are required to do: “These are minimum [rules]. There’s nothing whatsoever to prohibit any official from keeping a record forever if they want to. And some of them do.”

    Regardless of whether complaints are sustained, destroying internal-affairs files isn’t a good idea, says Walker, the University of Nebraska criminologist. Most internal-affairs complaints, particularly those that allege excessive force, aren’t sustained owing to a lack of evidence and witnesses, Walker points out. But that doesn’t mean the files aren’t valuable tools that can be used to identify problem officers.

    “I would keep them indefinitely,” he says. “Does the Pentagon purge their records of officers? You want an officer’s history. If you have an officer who suddenly gets a rash of complaints, that’s worth knowing: Is this part of a long-term history, which suggests you’ve got a real serious problem, or is this something new?”

    Even in cases where investigative files have not been destroyed, St. Louis police refused to turn over records. Stelzer cites a clause in the Sunshine Law that says arrest reports aren’t public records if no charges are filed within 30 days. But the Riverfront Times did not ask for arrest reports, nor is there any indication that an officer was arrested in the vast majority of the 68 summaries the department did provide. Furthermore, the same section of the Sunshine Law that governs the release of arrest records also states that investigative files — which are distinct from arrest records under state law — become public once an investigation is over.

    As for blacking out names and badge numbers in complaint summaries, Stelzer cites portions of the Sunshine Law that permit police to redact information if disclosure would jeopardize an investigation, reveal investigative techniques or endanger someone.

    Only 29 of the 68 censored summaries provided to the Riverfront Times indicate whether complaints were upheld. Six of those complaints were sustained. But owing to redactions and the lack of investigative files, it’s impossible to determine the nature of many charges.

    One example is a 1997 case in which a suspected car thief complained that he was kicked, slapped and struck with a flashlight after members of the department’s mobile reserve unit arrested him for stealing a Ford Mustang that belonged to a member of the unit. According to a summary dated August 12, 1998, the suspect complained to internal affairs four days after his arrest on October 29 of the previous year. An internal-affairs sergeant photographed his injuries, which included cuts on his head and abrasions on his shins. A week later the internal-affairs division turned over the case to the mobile reserve unit. The summary doesn’t say why the investigation was assigned to a unit that included the accused officers. The document does show that four officers received written reprimands ten months after the initial complaint, but who they are and exactly what they did wrong isn’t clear. Though the report is titled “Alleged Physical Abuse,” the department’s statistics show that no physical-abuse cases were sustained that year.

    In another case, a 2001 complaint summary doesn’t say whether the department sustained an allegation made by a man who accused an off-duty officer of brandishing a gun during a road-rage incident at the intersection of South Grand Boulevard and Humphrey Street. Besides writing down the officer’s license-plate number, the complainant identified him from a photograph. As in every other summary provided to Riverfront Times, the department blacked out the officer’s name and badge number and withheld the investigative files.


    Only the police department knows precisely how many internal-affairs cases involve alleged assaults, thefts or other crimes. But state records, court files and the department’s own statistics hint at the extent to which the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department is keeping mum about officers who have been accused of breaking the law.

    The department, which gave a mere 68 censored summaries to the Riverfront Times, handled 445 physical-abuse cases alone between 1997 and 2002. Noting the discrepancy in a January 5 letter to Stelzer, the newspaper asked why physical-abuse allegations hadn’t been considered potential criminal matters and therefore subject to the Sunshine Law. To date, the newspaper has received no explanation.

    At least five city officers had their state peace-officer licenses revoked by the Peace Officer Standards and Training Commission because they committed crimes during the time period covered by the newspaper’s information request, but the department released complaint summaries in just two of these cases. The other three cases:

    · Mark S. Hubbard, a narcotics officer who lost his license last year after he removed license tabs from a Jeep leased by the FBI and put them on his Nissan Maxima. Although there’s no indication Hubbard was prosecuted, the state determined that his peace-officer license should be revoked because he committed a crime.

    · Delores I. Cowan, who lost her license after she took a $300 money order from a suspect in 1997 and deposited it in her bank account. According to State Administrative Hearing Commission records, Cowan pleaded guilty to a crime (records don’t state the charge) and received a suspended sentence.

    · Francesco LoForte, who lost his license two years ago after he was accused of stealing from a burning car a gym bag that contained a handgun. LoForte wasn’t prosecuted, but that didn’t mean he wasn’t guilty, the commission concluded. “The preponderance of the credible evidence shows that LoForte took the bag and its contents,” wrote state administrative hearing commissioner Willard C. Reine.

    Nor did the department provide any documents regarding Jeffrey Pierson, who resigned from the force in November 2002, a few days after security guards at Union Station said they’d caught him masturbating in his pickup truck. Pierson kept his state license because a surveillance videotape that showed him moving his hands around in his lap was too grainy for the commission to reach a definitive conclusion. Pierson explained that he was scratching a “terrible irritating male itch.” He retained his state license, but he no longer works as a police officer in Missouri, according to the Peace Officer Standards and Training Commission.

    The Riverfront Times asked Stelzer why the department failed to turn over documents on officers who’d been stripped of their state certification. He promised to address the matter. That was on December 23 of last year. The newspaper hasn’t received an explanation.

    State records aren’t the only documents that chronicle conduct by officers whose identities and alleged crimes are shielded by the department. Seven people who claimed police brutality during the time period covered by the Riverfront Times’ public-records request have sued in federal court and collected settlements totaling more than $370,000. In only one of those cases did the department supply a complaint summary.

    The department released a censored summary in the case of Nancy Meyer, who collected $30,000 after she was beaten by Officer Christina Gonzalez during the 1999 Mardi Gras celebration in Soulard. Gonzalez, a probationary officer, eventually pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor assault charge. Lieutenant Daniel G. Simpher recommended that she be dismissed from the force.

    The department released no documents in six other brutality cases that resulted in lawsuits settled with taxpayer money. The biggest winner was Gregory Bell, a mentally handicapped man who was beaten by police in 1997 after he accidentally triggered a burglar alarm in his own home. Bell collected $250,000, but Stelzer says the department can’t release any records about the incident because former Sergeant Thomas Moran was acquitted of assault charges in the case, and state law requires that records be sealed when defendants are acquitted of criminal charges.

    In the other five cases, settlement amounts ranged from $8,000 to $25,000. According to court documents and plaintiffs’ attorneys, the plaintiffs all complained to internal affairs before suing the police. None were convicted of crimes stemming from the incidents that sparked their lawsuits.

    Crawford Miller, age 74, sued after officers in search of marijuana and drug profits broke down his door on March 6, 2000. Miller has driven a cab in St. Louis for 54 years and has never been charged with a crime, according to court records in St. Louis and St. Louis County. He was in bed recovering from radiation treatment for lung cancer when officers arrived. His first inkling of trouble came when he heard someone on his porch.

    “They didn’t knock,” Miller recalls. “I didn’t know they were the police — they never said ‘police officer’ or nothing.” He says the officers wore military-style fatigues instead of standard-issue uniforms and broke down his door just as he was opening it. “I’m looking in the barrel of a shotgun,” he recounts. “I thought I was being robbed.”

    Miller says he ran from the doorway toward a shotgun he kept behind his bed. He was about twelve feet away from his gun when the officers caught him. “They threw me down on the floor,” he remembers. “I was telling them that I had just had a cancer operation and I couldn’t put my hands behind me — I’d had half of my left lung removed. They told me they didn’t give a damn what I’d had. They put their foot in my back and pulled my arms behind my back, broke three of my ribs and pulled my rotator cuff out of the socket, and put handcuffs on me. They went through everything in the house — they even went through my garbage.”

    Police found neither drugs nor money, although court records show they seized the shotgun. Miller says police also took his prescribed Percocet and a bottle of expensive cologne.

    After he telephoned the station to complain, a sergeant who’d taken his pain medication returned the call, Miller says. “I knew his voice. He told me, ‘Ain’t nobody taken your medicine.’ They didn’t do nothing. So the next day I got up and went down to internal affairs.”

    That didn’t work either, Miller says. “They told me I would hear from them, and I never heard from them. When I didn’t hear from them, I would call. They would say I had to come in. So I would go again.”

    Nearly four years after the raid, Miller hasn’t heard the results of the internal-affairs investigation. “Nobody did nothing,” he says. “Calling the police on the police does no good, because they don’t go against each other.”


    According to the federal government, Miller and others who have complained to the St. Louis police department’s internal-affairs division shouldn’t have to wonder about the outcome of investigations.

    In guidelines issued in 1999 and updated in 2002, the U.S. Department of Justice recommends that police departments release as much information as possible about internal-affairs cases. At a minimum, the guidelines say, departments should tell complainants whether their allegations were upheld or dismissed, and why.

    “You have to tell people how their complaint was responded to,” explains Daryl Borgquist, spokesman for the Justice Department’s Community Relations Service, which published the guidelines. “You can build trust between people when you have communication and things are open.”

    In the Jason Cole case, Cecilia Nadal, owner and president of Productive Futures, called internal affairs the same day the teenager was arrested. A year later, she’s still waiting to hear the results of the probe.

    “We were waiting for the legal system to work and hoping that it would,” Nadal says. “And to this point, it hasn’t. It’s so clear to me that the culture of internal affairs is one of defensiveness and not objectivity.”

    Alderman Terry Kennedy, whose ward includes the strip mall where Cole was arrested, says he made sure police were aware that he wanted to be notified of the investigation’s outcome. He says he last inquired about the case in late summer, but he hasn’t heard anything back.

    South-side resident Tom Hallaran says police haven’t told him anything about an internal-affairs complaint he lodged after his home on Illinois Avenue was raided shortly before the World Agricultural Forum last spring. Police seized computer equipment, papers, climbing gear, welding tools and assorted other belongings. “‘Instruments of crime that could be used in protest situations’ — that’s what it said on the warrant,” says Hallaran.

    Hallaran says he’s still missing about $600 worth of computer equipment and climbing gear. Occupants of a nearby home that was also raided say tires were slashed while bicycles were in police custody and that their belongings reeked of urine when they were allowed back into the building several days after the raids.

    Hallaran recalls that he spoke twice with internal-affairs investigators, once within a week of the raid and again in June, after Chief Mokwa ordered an investigation to determine whether officers had damaged property. That, Hallaran says, was his last contact with police. “They haven’t followed up with us at all. They haven’t brought any charges, but we still haven’t received a lot of our stuff back and we don’t know the status of what they’re doing.”

    The department refused to supply internal-affairs files on the raids to the Riverfront Times, claiming they’re not public records because urinating on personal belongings and slashing bicycle tires aren’t crimes that would trigger disclosure under the Guyer ruling. Notwithstanding a state law that defines destruction of property as a criminal offense, department counsel Michael Stelzer argued that any wrongdoing by officers during the raids would be a civil matter. (For more about this issue and incidents surrounding the World Agricultural Forum, see “Legal Loopholes” in the August 13, 2003, issue of Riverfront Times.)


    Federal court files in brutality cases show that the St. Louis police department fights hard when asked for internal-affairs records. In at least two cases, the department has hired the high-powered law firm Lewis, Rice & Fingersh — which unsuccessfully defended Kirkwood in the Guyer case — to quash demands for internal-affairs files. In both instances, federal judges denied pleas to keep police records secret.

    In one of those cases, attorney Thomas Casey got a court order compelling the department to produce an internal-affairs file on an alleged September 1998 pistol-whipping of his client, Matthew Quinlisk, who was driven away in an ambulance after his encounter with police. Although Casey believes his client was assaulted, the department provided no documents on the case in response to the Riverfront Times’ request for records.

    Officer Daniel Earley was off-duty and talking to a woman outside a Lafayette Square bar when Quinlisk made a “smart-ass comment of some kind, to the effect that ‘That’s a mighty fine-looking woman you got there,’” Casey recalls.

    “Earley turns to him and says, ‘What did you say?’” says Casey. “Earley walks up to Quinlisk. As he’s approaching, he takes out his 9mm Beretta, then slaps Quinlisk on the head with the butt of the gun — I think it was several blows. Quinlisk goes down to the ground, and he’s out. He was hurt pretty goddamn bad.”

    Although Quinlisk was arrested for assault, prosecutors dismissed the charges. Internal affairs dismissed Quinlisk’s allegation along with the other 96 physical-abuse complaints the division handled that year. But Quinlisk collected $17,526 to settle his federal lawsuit.

    “It was whitewashed,” Casey says today. “Those internal-affairs files — they’re so sanitized, it’s not funny. We tried showing a cover-up. We were not very successful in that regard. We had trouble finding cops who would come in against Earley. We did have the corroborating testimony of the people who Matt Quinlisk was with, and I thought they were pretty believable.”

    It’s not unusual for the police department to pay plaintiffs even when internal affairs doesn’t sustain complaints, Casey says. “They will always cough up the money, and they’ll settle the case, but not for a great deal of money,” he says. “Of course, the problem with these cases is, more often than not, you’re dealing with less than the cream of society. The people the cops beat up tend to be shit bums. That doesn’t mean they deserve to get beat up, but nevertheless, they don’t have a whole lot of jury appeal.”

    Gregory Bell, who was beaten by police officers in his own home, demanded more than money to settle his brutality lawsuit. In addition to giving Bell $250,000, police in 1998 agreed to revise their internal-affairs procedures to make it easier for victims to come forward and to reduce the chances of officers intimidating complainants or not accurately recording allegations.

    Before the Bell settlement, citizens had to travel downtown to lodge complaints at police headquarters, and they weren’t allowed to keep a copy of their statements. To settle Bell’s case, the department signed a consent decree, agreeing to keep complaint forms at patrol stations and to instruct officers to give them to anyone who asked. The department was also supposed to issue a press release about the changes.

    But it wasn’t until the spring of 1999, when Bell’s attorneys asked U.S. District Court Judge E. Richard Weber to enforce the consent decree, that the department finally put out a bulletin informing officers that complaint forms should be kept at precincts. The promised press release came months later, on the day before Thanksgiving.

    Some say nothing has changed.

    Scott Addison, a friend of World Agricultural Forum protesters who were arrested last spring, says police at the South Patrol subdivision didn’t seem familiar with the revised procedure when he asked for a complaint form. “They had me standing there for about an hour,” Addison remembers. “A cop finally shows up with this crumpled-up, stepped-on piece of paper. ‘This is all we have,’ he said.”

    In the Jason Cole case, Cecilia Nadal says the internal-affairs sergeant who answered the phone when she called wasn’t interested in gathering evidence while blood and memories were fresh. “He said, ‘You cannot make a complaint unless you come down here,’” Nadal recalls. “He said, ‘As far as we’re concerned, there is not a victim.’ It was obvious they were trying to get me off this, to leave it alone.”

    Nadal had arrived a few minutes after the action but spoke with several witnesses, some of whom recalled seeing Cole’s face slammed into the sidewalk and others who only heard the “thump” of his body hitting the ground. “There’s no question they used brutality,” Nadal insists. “You saw blood all over the place, and you saw all these people crying. I’ve never been in a situation where I saw so many people upset — black, white and other cultures. They couldn’t believe what had happened.”

    Nadal called Alderman Kennedy, who besides representing the ward where her business is located is also sponsoring an aldermanic bill to establish a civilian board that would hear complaints against police. Kennedy says deal

  • Best Evidence

    Best Evidence

    Heavy snowfalls pounded St. Louis in early February 1982, dumping twenty inches of the white stuff on some neighborhoods and paralyzing the city. Businesses closed, government services were curtailed and people hunkered down. On February 4, after five steady days of snow, side streets and parking lots still were blocked and temperatures hovered in the single digits. People who didn’t have to go out didn’t.

    Mary Bell, a freelance court reporter who lived in the LaSalle Park neighborhood, was one of many who stayed home.

    On that cold Thursday 21 years ago, George Allen Jr. says, he knocked on Bell’s door. “Can I come in and get warm for a few minutes?” Allen asked the pretty blonde who answered.

    A troubled 26-year-old with a criminal record, Allen had a history that suggested mental illness, and he admitted that sometimes he drank so much he couldn’t recall his actions. Weeks later, when he was interviewed by police, Allen struggled to remember what happened at 1018B Marion Street on that terrible day in February 1982. A police detective helped Allen put the pieces together.

    During a lengthy police interrogation, Allen remembered that Bell was attractive, with large breasts and a small waist, and young — maybe between twenty and 25 years old. Allen remembered that Bell (who was actually 31) told him she didn’t usually let men in her house, but he just pushed his way in. Allen remembered that Bell took off running, terrified.

    “I was chasin’ her up the steps,” he told the detective. “I remember chasin’ her through the kitchen. I was wrasslin’ with her.”

    Bell, Allen said, had a “big butcher knife about twelve inches long.” Allen said he knocked the knife from her hand. Bell ran to a second-floor bedroom and tried to hold the door shut but couldn’t keep Allen out. “We went to bed together; it was a brass bed,” Allen said. He raped her on the bed, and he raped her on the floor against the wall, next to the bed. Bell fought hard and screamed “real loud,” Allen told the detective.

    During the rape, Allen said, he heard a woman “knockin’ on [Bell’s] door and yellin’ out her name: ‘Sherry’ or somethin’ like ‘Sherry.’” The woman knocked on the door for about five minutes, then “went into her house,” Allen said.

    Allen said he fought with Bell before and after having sex with her. “She was stabbed during the fight,” Allen said, though he was unsure as to exactly when. “I don’t remember how many times I stabbed her. When I’m threatened with a weapon I’m — I don’t, ah, usually think; I just react.”

    Allen picked up a towel “to wipe the blood off,” then left.

    Bell’s body was discovered after 6 p.m. that day. An autopsy revealed multiple wounds and evidence of rape. Bell had been stabbed fourteen times in the back; eight of the wounds pierced the front of her body. Her throat had been cut five times from ear to ear, the blade slicing through all of the neck muscles, the carotid artery and the jugular vein and into her spine.

    After two trials — the first ended with a hung jury — Allen was convicted. He would likely have been sentenced to death, except he caught a break — a juror’s mother died during the penalty phase, interrupting the trial and preventing the unanimous verdict required for capital punishment. Instead, Allen received a 95-year prison sentence.

    Allen’s confession was critical to the prosecution’s case: There were no witnesses to the crime, there were alibi witnesses who said Allen was elsewhere on the morning of the murder, there was no physical evidence to implicate Allen and there were other suspects. Allen ended up in police custody only because patrol officers saw him walking on the street and initially thought he matched the description of a black man they wanted to bring in for questioning in the Bell murder.

    Almost from the beginning, Allen insisted he’d been tricked into confessing to the rape and murder, that police coached him with details and lied when they told him they had evidence putting him at the scene. But his complaints were dismissed, his appeals turned down and the book on Mary Bell’s murder closed.

    Now, after twenty years behind bars and with all of his legal appeals exhausted, Allen is getting one more shot. A prison-ministry volunteer who took a hard look at Allen’s conviction pushed for DNA testing in the case. Recently St. Louis Circuit Attorney Jennifer Joyce agreed, giving Allen one last chance to prove his innocence.

    Her decision, which comes as more than 100 disputed convictions — including ones with confessions — are being overturned nationally because of DNA testing, shakes the dust off a case that always was troubling. Old questions have resurfaced; old wounds have been reopened.

    And it’s not just Allen’s life that hangs in the balance.


    In August 1981, about six months before her murder, Mary Bell had separated from her lawyer husband, John Bell. She’d been seeing 29-year-old lawyer Russell Watters since June 1981. John Bell later testified that his wife was “open to the idea” of reconciling. But Watters, who moved in with Mary Bell in January 1982, insisted “She loved me [and] I loved her.”

    On the day his lover died, Watters said, he woke up between 7 and 7:30 a.m. and took a shower while Bell fixed him breakfast. Around 9 a.m., he later testified in the murder trials, Bell took a telephone call from her mother, Eleanor Enger. Watters said Bell cut the conversation short, telling her mother that she’d call back later because she wanted to see Watters off to work. Watters said he left by 9 a.m., locking the door. Bell’s next-door neighbor, Sandra Salih, heard Watters leave. When he slammed the door, her windows shook.

    Enger told the jury a slightly different story. Yes, she called her daughter at 9 a.m., but Bell never mentioned Watters. She said she’d never met Watters and didn’t know he was sharing the apartment with her daughter.

    Between 10 and 10:15 a.m., Pamela Richardson, who transcribed tapes and notes for court reporters, called Bell. Bell had four tapes for Richardson to transcribe, and Richardson, who was downtown at the time, agreed to come by Bell’s apartment to pick them up. The apartment’s parking lot was still full of snow, so Richardson would have to park on the street.

    Richardson testified at trial about their telephone conversation. While they were talking, Richardson recalled, Bell interrupted the conversation briefly. When she picked up the phone again, Bell explained, “I just took a shower. I had to put on a robe.” Richardson said that when Bell put the phone down, “I thought maybe somebody had come to the door.”

    Sometime after 10 a.m., neighbor Sandra Salih heard “angry male and female voices” coming from Bell’s apartment. The “woman’s voice was the loudest,” Salih testified. “She was crying while the argument was going on. To me it was loud, angry crying.” Salih testified that the argument lasted about ten minutes and assumed it was Bell and Watters who were fighting because “that’s who I thought lived there.”

    At about 10:30 a.m., Salih heard someone knocking on Bell’s door. It was Richardson.

    It wasn’t the first time Richardson had been to Bell’s home. “I would knock on the door and [Bell] would look out her kitchen window, which was the level above the front door. I would see her face up there and I would hear her coming down the stairs. She would look out her peephole and then call my name before she opened that door,” Richardson told a jury.

    Richardson testified that Bell was an “extremely” cautious person who followed the ritual “every time.”

    This time, Bell didn’t look out her kitchen window or peer through the peephole. Richardson heard “some movement right inside the front door. I heard the sound of a down jacket rustling against what I know now to be the door.” And, she said, she also “heard some bumping sounds, muffled bumping sounds later … right up against her front door.” She knocked louder, called Bell’s name two or three times to the window above. But Bell never answered the door, and Richardson gave up. She said that she tried calling Bell several times during the day, to no avail.

    Richardson wasn’t the only one trying to get in touch with Bell. Watters said he tried to call her several times but couldn’t reach her.

    Watters came home around 6 p.m. Bell’s white Volkswagen Rabbit, just a few months old, was in the parking lot. Watters told the jury that both the doorknob lock and deadbolt were unlocked. When he opened the door, he saw Bell’s shoes at the bottom of the stairs. The apartment was dark, and the radio was on. Some cards were shuffled about on the floor. He smelled burning coffee and turned on a light.

    “I called out for Mary,” Watters said. The bedroom door was closed, the room dark. “I believe I looked in the bedroom.” But he didn’t turn on the light. He only looked behind the bedroom door for the laundry, because, he told the jury, “I know we talked about doing laundry that night.”

    Watters went downstairs to the building’s basement laundry room to look for Bell. When he didn’t find her, Watters said, he went to Mellodie Wilson’s apartment. Wilson, the apartment manager, had become friends with Bell.

    The two returned to the apartment to look for Bell. They found her in the bedroom — her nude body was across the room, in a corner between the bed and the wall. From the door, the bed would have hidden the body. Bell was lying face-down on the floor, a pool of blood beneath her.

    When police arrived, they found blood on the bed, the bedroom wall and carpet and a robe and a director’s chair in the kitchen, as well as in the bathroom.

    They also found evidence of rape: seminal fluid in the crotch of Bell’s jeans, on the back inside part of her robe and on a director’s chair. That led police to believe Bell had been wearing a robe and a pair of pants when she was attacked. Anal lacerations indicated that she’d been sodomized.

    Of the twenty identifiable fingerprints at the scene, nineteen belonged to Watters and one to an investigating officer.

    On the basis of Richardson’s contact with Bell, the time of death was estimated to be between 10 and 10:30 a.m.

    The investigators found an eight-and-a-half-inch long bloody butcher knife, concealed in a first-floor closet near the front door. It had been wrapped in a towel and placed in a Styrofoam cooler. The blood on the knife was Bell’s.

    On the towel was a beard hair. The chief criminalist of the St. Louis Police Department later testified that the beard hair came from a white man.

    Six weeks after Bell’s murder, police still hadn’t made an arrest. Both the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and the St. Louis Globe-Democrat carried stories and updates about the case, and police were under the gun to get the killer in custody. Three lie-detector tests were given, the police said, but they didn’t divulge to whom the polygraphs had been administered.

    Police ruled out John Bell, Bell’s estranged husband, and Russell Watters, her lover, as suspects. Both had alibis.

    John Bell said he was snowed in at home. Tom Liese, a lawyer and friend of Bell’s, said he helped Bell dig out from 9:15 to 10:15 a.m., after which they were together until about 2 p.m.

    Watters also had an alibi. Michael Pitzer, a lawyer with Watters’ office, said Watters arrived at 9:30 a.m. or between 9:30 and 10 a.m. Pat Detjen, the law firm’s receptionist, said Watters came in at 9:15 a.m. after a fifteen-minute commute from his apartment through snow-clogged streets. A year-and-a-half later, Detjen even remembered what Watters was wearing that day: charcoal-gray pants, a camel-hair sweater and Western boots. Robert Rosenthal, another lawyer at the office, said he went to lunch that day with Watters and Pitzer.

    The police turned their attention to a man named Kirk Eaton, who’d been seen in the area of Bell’s apartment shortly after the murder. Eaton was a convicted rapist whose brother lived near Bell. Eaton left town shortly after the Bell murder. A memo went out to officers about Eaton, describing him as “a Negro male, five-eleven, five-ten, 150 pounds.”

    On Sunday, March 14, 1982, officers Terry James and Mark Burford were patrolling the Lafayette Square neighborhood when they spotted a black man walking down Park Avenue in the 1900 block of Park — several blocks from Bell’s apartment in what is now a row of thriving retail shops and restaurants. The officers asked the man for identification, thinking he might be Eaton.

    George Allen showed the officers several pieces of paper bearing his name but nothing with his picture. The officers ran Allen’s name to see whether there were any outstanding warrants for his arrest. There was none. Nevertheless, the officers asked Allen to accompany them to the 3rd District station.

    Allen asked why. Because Allen couldn’t produce any photo identification, James testified, “We would like to take him to the 3rd District station, check him out, verify his name and see if he was wanted.” If everything checked out, James testified, “I believe we said we’d cut him loose.” The officers cuffed Allen and put him in the back of the squad car.

    It was the last time Allen was a free man.

    Allen was held in a holdover cell as the officers compared an old photo of Eaton with Allen. Unable to rule out the possibility that the man they had locked up was Eaton, they called Detective Pam LaRose of the sex-crimes department, as well as homicide detective Herb Riley. Riley asked them to bring Allen down to police headquarters.

    Accounts of what happened next differ and would later become issues in Allen’s trials and his appeals.

    Allen later would claim in court filings that he was strip-searched while a female detective was in the room. He said he was “required to disrobe completely and was without clothes for one hour” and interrogated for several hours. He said he asked for a lawyer but was told that “he didn’t need an attorney because he wouldn’t be there that long.” The officers asked him how many times a week he had sex and whether he liked to sleep with black women or white women. Allen said that Riley told him he was sure that Allen had committed the crime, that the police had his fingerprints to prove it. He said the police asked him to draw a diagram of the apartment but that when he did, they told him it was inaccurate. He said he talked to Riley for as long as three hours before the confession that would convict him was taped and that he made the confession because he felt he had no choice.

    Police gave a different story.

    LaRose said she read Allen his Miranda rights at police headquarters and interrogated him at the homicide office for about half-an-hour. She asked “personal questions … about sex … if he thought sex was a normal thing.” She wanted to know whether he’d ever forced a woman to have sex. Allen said yes, then no. At that point, LaRose decided that she didn’t have anything to book him on and “terminated the interview.”

    One of the arresting officers, Mark Burford, concluded that Allen wasn’t Eaton and returned to duty after LaRose finished her interrogation. Then, at about 1 p.m., Riley met with Allen. Riley also concluded that Allen wasn’t Eaton; he testified, “Once I came back and determined that he was not Kirk Eaton, he could have left.”

    But, Riley admitted to Allen’s defense lawyer, “I did not say he could leave.” And no other officer mentioned to Allen that he was free to go, either. According to the police, Allen had been in custody for about two-and-a-half hours.

    Riley asked Allen why he was walking the city streets when his home was in University City, because it seemed odd that he would be walking around the area. He wanted to know whether Allen had ever had “relations” with white women. Then he asked Allen whether he was familiar with the LaSalle Park area, the area where Bell was murdered. Allen said yes. Riley wanted to know whether Allen had been in the area around the time of the big snow. Again Allen answered yes.

    Riley also testified that he showed Allen a photograph of a vase. And Riley recalled telling Allen: “‘You know that we have fingerprints from this house’ or maybe I might have said from the vase. I don’t remember.” He never told Allen the fingerprints were his, but, Riley testified, “I wanted him to think that we had his.”

    Once Allen admitted to being in the area around the time of the murder, Riley said, Allen became a suspect and police began tape-recording Allen.

    The taped interrogation begins with a brief statement from Riley: “The date is March 14, 1982, and the time is approximately 1:47 p.m. My name is Detective Sergeant Herb Riley, assigned to homicide, and to my left is, ah, Officer Terry James, assigned to District 3. Ah, the gentleman in the room here with us is a man who may or may not have information relative to this incident.”

    Before the interrogation, Riley had shown Allen pictures of the apartment complex where Bell lived. During the interrogation, he refers to the pictures: “I asked you if you had ever been down to these apartments, ah, particularly, ah, in February when we had the deep snow. And you looked at the pictures, and was you down in that area?”

    “Yeah, I was down there,” Allen answers; a moment later, he adds that he was positive it was “late — late at night” when he knocked on Mary’s door. (The murder occurred in the morning.)

    Riley mentions additional photographs of doors, wooden decks and steps at Bell’s apartment that were shown to Allen.

    “Had you ever been up on that deck and, in fact, had you ever knocked on that particular door?”

    “Yeah, I did,” Allen responds. A lady answered, he adds.

    What did she look like? “Ah, I guess white,” Allen says. “Dark hair, I guess.” (Bell was a blonde.)

    Riley continues: “When I asked you what she looked like, George, I mean, was she an attractive woman or …”

    “Yeah, she was attractive.”

    “Did she have a nice body on her?”

    “Yeah.”

    “You remember how she was dressed at that time?”

    “Uh, I think she had on a nightgown,” Allen answers, then describes the nightgown as white.

    Allen says he asked the woman whether he could come in and get warm. She said she didn’t usually let men in the house.

    “And what — did she let you in there?” Riley asks.

    “No, I don’t think so. I think I forced my way in.”

    “Well, then what happened?”

    “Ah, we started wrasslin’.”

    “I mean,” Riley continues, “do you remember when you went in the door, did you go up some steps, or what happened? Ah, you remember?”

    “Well, I think I was chasin’ her up the steps.”

    Riley asks what happened next. “Well, I was wrasslin’ with her, tryin’ to force some answers,” Allen says. “We went to bed together” on “a brass bed.”

    Riley asks, “Are you sayin’ that because I showed you a picture of that, or do you recall that?”

    “I recall it.”

    Did Allen have sex with Bell? Allen says yes, but “front, was all.”

    “Did you stick it in her butt?” Riley asks.

    “Ah, no, I didn’t.”

    “You sure of that?”

    “Uh, no, I’m not sure.”

    “Could you have?”

    “I might have. I could have.”

    The two men talk abut Bell’s figure. “Was there anything about her body that especially turned you on?” Riley asks.

    “Um, her chest, breasts.”

    “What was — what about her breasts?”

    “They were large,” Allen responds. Riley asks Allen to describe Bell’s figure.

    Allen estimates Bell’s measurements for the detective.

    “Shit, man, you talkin’ about a big — big, big chest, ain’t ya?” Riley says. “You sound like you’re an authority on measurements. What’d you say 38 –”

    “-27-35.”

    “Sounds awful good, doesn’t it?”

    “Yeah,” Allen answers.

    Riley has Allen go back through his testimony up to this point and asks, “Did you have sex — other than on the bed, did you have sex anyplace else in that room?”

    “On the floor. And, ah, I guess over against the wall and then –”

    “On the floor, next to where?”

    “Next to the bed.”

    A couple of questions later, Riley goes back to the question of sodomy.

    “OK. Did you stick it in her butt?”

    “Yeah, I guess I did. Yeah.”

    “Was she — was she resisting this, George?”

    “Uh, yes, she was.”

    “Had you ever had white girls before?”

    “Yeah, I have.”

    “Huh? Well, where — when you had white girls before, did you usually stick it in their butt like that, or — ”

    “Yeah, if it went in.”

    Riley goes back through the places Allen claimed to have sex with Bell, then asks, “I mean, was she — when she came up the steps, was she, ah, running around the apartment or did she run right to the bed, or — ”

    “She ran in one room up and tried to, ah, hold the door shut,” Allen says.

    Riley asks what happened after Allen raped Bell. “Uh, then I remember, uh, puttin’ on my clothes and runnin’ out the door.”

    “Oh, but didn’t you do somethin’ first?”

    “I don’t remember doin’ anything else.”

    Riley presses: Did Allen take anything from the apartment? Allen denies doing so.

    “Did you pick up a towel while you was in the house?”

    “Yeah, I guess I did,” Allen says, but he can’t remember the color.

    “Did you wrap anything in this towel?”

    “No.”

    “Think now, George.”

    “I don’t remember — I don’t remember taking anything. I remember runnin’ out of the house, that’s all I know.”

    “OK. When you was in the house, did you hear any noises? Like noises comin’ from the outside? Or noises from the inside?”

    “No, I didn’t.”

    “Nothin’?”

    “Nothin’.”

    “You’re sure?”

    “I’m sure.”

    Riley has Allen go back through the sequence of events. Allen remembers a knock on the door, a voice calling “Sherry.”

    Then Allen again tells Riley that after the rape, he left.

    “When you started to go, was she still screamin’, or what was she doin’? ‘Cause what’s gonna keep her from screamin’ if you left?”

    “Well, I had hit her a couple of times, and I think she was ah — ”

    “What’d you hit her with?”

    “My hand.”

    “Well — didn’t use nothin’ else? Think about it, now.”

    “Uh-uh, nothin’ else.”

    “Huh?”

    “That was it.”

    “Well, I know you’re a, you know, you’re a pretty good-size man.”

    “Yeah.”

    “Didn’t you cut her?”

    “No, I don’t remember cuttin’ her.”

    “Didn’t you get somethin’ from her house and cut her?”

    “What, like a knife from the kitchen? It might have happened that I hit her or somethin’ — but I don’t remember it.”

    “I didn’t say a knife in the kitchen. You said a knife in a kitchen. Do you remember stickin’ her with a knife?”

    “I know I recall chasin’ her through the house,” Allen says.

    “Do you remember stickin’ her with a knife?”

    “No. I don’t remember stickin’ her with one, no.”

    Allen continues to deny that he stabbed Bell; Riley keeps pressing. Finally Allen says Mary had a knife, that he knocked it from her hand.

    “Did you pick it up?”

    “No.”

    “Think about it, now.”

    “I didn’t.”

    “You didn’t touch the knife?”

    “No.”

    “We have the knife, you know,” Riley tells Allen. “Do you remember if you touched the knife?”

    “Yeah, I guess so. Yeah.”

    Allen tells Riley that Mary had the knife and that he chased her in the apartment. He knocked the knife from her hand.

    “Did you go back and pick up the knife?”

    “No.”

    “George?”

    “I didn’t.”

    “George, did you stab this woman?”

    “I don’t remember stabbin’ her.”

    “Could you have stabbed her and don’t remember?”

    “I could have.”

    “How many times did you stab her, George?”

    “I don’t remember.”

    “You remember everything else. Why wouldn’t you remember that? Look at me.”

    “I don’t remember.”

    “Look at me –”

    “I don’t –”

    “Look at me. Look at me, George.”

    “– because I’m a heavy drinker, and if I did it I was drunk at the time, I know.”

    “But you’re not saying anything about stabbin’ her.”

    “Was she stabbed?”

    “Yes, she was stabbed.”

    “Well, she was stabbed during the fight, then.”

    Riley has Allen go back and tell the story again. Allen admits and then denies cutting Bell.

    Riley gets exasperated: “George, I can’t understand you. You remember so much, so many of the little details as I’m askin’ you questions. You remember about the big bust she had, and about her waist and about this –”

    “I’m rememberin’ it ’cause you got the evidence. I don’t remember nothin’,” Allen said. “You got the evidence and the fingerprints, you know. Before we started talkin’ I said, no, I don’t remember.”

    Riley continues to ask about the stabbing, trying to get Allen to tell him where he stabbed Bell.

    “I don’t remember killing her, I really don’t.”

    Riley pulls out two pictures of Bell: “Will this help your memory? Is that the woman you’re talkin’ about? George?”

    “Yeah, that’s her.”

    “You see the way she’s stabbed there? In them pictures?”

    “Uh-huh.”

    “Did you stab her like that?”

    “Yeah, I guess I did.”

    The interview continues only a few more minutes. Riley asks Allen a few more times to admit stabbing Bell, and when he waffles — “I guess I did” — Riley says, “Don’t guess, did you –”

    “I said I did.”

    The interview ends, and soon after Allen is charged with murder.

    Herb Riley was a veteran cop with a reputation for getting people to confess. He’d served on the force for 27 years, seventeen of them in homicide. He retired as a sergeant in 1986. When he died in 1996, the Post-Dispatch described him as a detective “who used his smooth gift of communicating to get numerous murder confessions.”

    But Allen’s lawyers weren’t as impressed with Riley’s gift. They noted that Riley showed Allen pictures from the murder scene before the tape started rolling, asked Allen leading questions that provided details from the crime scene and tricked Allen into thinking police had evidence linking him to the scene.

    After the confession, investigators worked feverishly to obtain the physical evidence that would back up the confession, but they couldn’t come up with anything.

    In 1982, DNA evidence wasn’t part of the criminal-law landscape. The first time a federal court admitted DNA evidence was 1986. The Missouri Supreme Court didn’t approve its use until 1991.

    So the lab work that was done to find Bell’s murderer was primitive by today’s standards. Police criminalists, however, were able to do a basic test on the seminal fluid found in Bell’s apartment. Some men secrete blood antigens into their semen and other body fluids, but the seminal fluid found at the crime scene came from a nonsecretor, tests showed. A saliva sample taken from Allen also showed he didn’t secrete antigens from his blood into other body fluids. The results didn’t rule out Allen, but neither were they conclusive. Joseph Crow, the police-department criminalist who performed the test, was asked at trial what percentage of the male population would have the same results that Allen had. “About 89 to 90 percent,” Crow said.

    Investigators also analyzed fibers from Bell’s home and Allen’s. They were hoping to find fibers from Allen’s home inside Bell’s apartment. They didn’t.

    And despite Allen’s claims during the confession that he hit Bell in the head, Dr. Elizabeth Laposata, a forensic pathologist with the St. Louis medical examiner’s office, said that when she examined Bell’s head for evidence of trauma, “there was nothing significant there” — no injury to her head that would’ve made her lose consciousness.

    And Allen had his own alibi witnesses.

    Allen lived with his mother and sister in University City, a little more than ten miles from Bell’s apartment. His mother, Lonzetta Taylor, testified that her son was home the morning of February 4. Around 8 or 8:30 a.m., she rousted him from his room to help push his sister’s car out of the snow. When Taylor decided to walk to the grocery store, sometime between 11 a.m. and noon, she said, Allen was still at home. And when she returned from the store, about a half-hour later, he was still at home. She stayed home for the remainder of the day, and Allen was home the entire time, she said. She also said that Allen did not own a car, nor did he have permission to drive her car.

    Elfrieda Allen, Allen’s sister, also recalled seeing George at 8:30 a.m. on February 4. Joe Randolph, Elfrieda Allen’s boyfriend, had been staying at the home because his car was stuck in the snow. When he woke, Randolph said, around 10 or 10:30 a.m. — the approximate time of Bell’s murder — he saw Allen walking around the house.

    At the time Allen was charged with murder, the public-defender system sometimes hired private attorneys to handle big felony cases. Douglas Levine had been out of law school for about four years, had practiced with well-known criminal-defense lawyer Charlie Shaw and was a sole practitioner when he was asked to handle Allen’s defense.

    “They had contacted a couple of attorneys prior to talking to me,” Levine says. “One or two people knew [Bell], socialized with her, and they just would not do it. She was loved by everyone.”

    Levine says he knew Bell, too — he’d had a case in which she’d been the court reporter — “but I didn’t know her well.” He also knew John Bell and Russ Watters “at least on a casual basis.”

    Before ultimately agreeing to represent Allen, Levine says, he thought long and hard.

    When Levine took control of the case, he had a client with a minor criminal history. According to newspaper stories from 1982, Allen had been charged in 1977 in St. Louis County with the crime of assault with intent to ravish. The story from the Globe-Democrat says that the St. Louis County prosecutor knocked the case down to a misdemeanor because Allen was deemed mentally retarded. (That file can no longer be found i

  • The Accidental Politician

    The Accidental Politician

    The mayor faced an important and unexpected decision as the career of one of St. Louis’ most powerful elected officials came crashing down in the fall of 1995. Virvus Jones, the controversial and outspoken city comptroller, had pleaded guilty to two charges of federal tax fraud, and his resignation from office was imminent. Political insiders, many pulling for their own candidates, anxiously wondered who’d get the nod from Mayor Freeman Bosley Jr.

    On Oct. 11, 1995, Bosley gave his answer. Instead of a high-profile, seasoned politician like Jones, the mayor chose his soft-spoken budget director, a person who had never run for public office or registered high on anybody’s list of possibilities. All of a sudden, quiet, behind-the-scenes, uncontroversial Darlene Green held one St. Louis’ most important political jobs.

    The response from everybody, not just the politically connected, was a resounding “Darlene who?”

    Days after the announcement, Green met U.S. Rep. Bill Clay, Missouri’s senior member of Congress and long a player in hometown politics. Clay chuckles as he recalls the conversation with the new comptroller: “I said, “Who are you? Where did you come from?’ Nobody had heard of her.”

    Green, then 39, was such a stranger to both public speaking and the spotlight that after a week on the campaign trail, trekking to ward meetings, churches and neighborhood gatherings, she lost her voice. She showed up at a scheduled radio show anyway, unable to croak out even a few words. “I was talking more than I ever had in my life,” she says.

    Name recognition is no longer the problem it once was for Green, who in 1996 became the first woman elected to the comptroller’s post and who handily won re-election to a full term in 1997. For five years, Green has served as the city’s chief fiscal officer, a role that includes serving on the powerful Board of Estimate and Apportionment, where she’s the only member who isn’t a candidate for mayor in 2001.

    As comptroller, Green has built a reputation as an effective public official who gets praise for the city’s consistent credit-rating upgrades and budget surpluses. She’s politically prudent and has refused to take sides in the hot mayor’s race that has incumbent Clarence Harmon fending off a well-financed challenge from Aldermanic President Francis Slay. That neutrality reflects her cautious approach, which kept her from controversy while opening her to gentle charges of sometimes being too invisible and, well, just plain too nice.

    Because she clearly hasn’t garnered the sort of attention or grabbed the headlines her predecessor did, some still ask, “Darlene who?” As one alderman puts it: “She is totally below the radar screen.”

    That’s fine with Green. “My job is not about attention-getting,” she says. “It’s about getting the job done on behalf of the taxpayers. That’s all the attention I need, and that’s really the bottom line.”


    Darlene Green’s imposing desk at City Hall is covered with carefully arranged stacks of official documents. Between the books arranged on the giant credenza behind her, she has displayed photographs of her meetings with celebrities: Here’s Darlene Green with President Bill Clinton. Here she is with singer Patti LaBelle, lawyer Johnnie Cochran and Olympian Jackie Joyner-Kersee. The opportunity to rub shoulders with the powerful and famous reflects a life Green says she never envisioned for herself while growing up poor in the Pruitt-Igoe public-housing complex on the city’s North Side, the eldest of six children in a single-parent home.

    Back then, Green was a quiet, obedient child who aspired to a better life. She watched her mother struggle to raise a family while holding down two jobs — working both as a housekeeper in Clayton and Ladue and as an aide at a nursing home — and it left a lasting impression.

    To this day, Green remains amazed at her mother’s ability to keep their three-bedroom apartment white-glove tidy, what with everything else on her plate: “We would wake up in the morning, and if you can just imagine this for a moment, I’m waking up and she’s telling me to get ready for school, and I’m washing my face, and by the time I turn around, all the beds are made. Everything is crisp; a hot meal is on the table. The whole house is immaculate, and there is not a dirty piece of laundry in the house. That’s the way my mother was. It would drive us kids crazy, but that’s the way she was, every day.”

    Although Pruitt-Igoe later achieved notoriety as a symbol of the nation’s public-housing failures (the complex was dynamited in 1976), Green says she remembers a different place, where kids played jumprope and hide-and-seek in the shadows of the high-rises and the neighbors knew your name and made sure you were home before dark. Her world was limited to the blocks surrounding her home, the places she could walk to, and return from, in time to be in by dark: “Until I was 11 or 12, I didn’t know anything past Grand Avenue. I knew there was the Fox Theatre, and nothing past that.”

    Her mother’s heavy workload also meant that Green, as the eldest, learned responsibility at an early age. She watched her younger siblings while her mother was at work, a role Green says was hard because younger brothers and sisters are often loath to take orders from an older one. “I always knew that my mother didn’t go to work for fun,” she says, “that it was because she needed to have income to raise a family. I remember having to talk to my brothers and sisters about when we didn’t have enough money, to make them understand: “Don’t cry because we don’t have this. Don’t cry because Mama isn’t here. I know you don’t want me to be your mama, but let me take your head, lie on my shoulder. I’ll try to make it better for you.’ I remember those kinds of things.”

    As she relates the experience, Green’s composure suddenly gives way to tears. She apologizes as she grabs a tissue. “I apologize — I hadn’t thought about this in so long,” she says. “I never did this before.”

    Green was just a young child herself as she struggled with her leadership role. “I remember climbing on the shelf to get the sugar to make Kool-Aid, I was that little,” she says. “But they were littler than me, so, you know, that’s what I had to do, and it was OK — because when you are in a family, at least for me, that was my responsibility. I always remember that, being that I was the older one, doing the right thing. It was what my mother expected, and that’s how I was raised.”


    Barry Leibman, co-owner of Left Bank Books, remembers Green when she was a teenager attending Vashon High School. Back then, he taught at a program called Sophia House, a former residence at 23rd and Hebert streets that had been converted into school and study rooms for an after-school program started by the Jesuits at St. Louis University for boys from the city’s North Side. Four nights a week, for three hours each night, Green would show up to study, do her homework, receive lessons on such things as language skills and vocabulary-building. Leibman says the program drew high achievers and had a successful rate of placing students in the most competitive universities, including Harvard. It also sought to instill in the teens a sense of community service. “We did not want the students to just get an education and get out of the community,” Leibman says. “We wanted them to get an education and come back to help.”

    He recalls Green vividly: “She was very smart, very self-assured even at that age and very sweet, which, as a teenager, translates into an adult as a kind person, which she is. She kind of exhibited a lot of the really strong qualities that she exhibits as an adult.”

    One of the counselors at Sophia House was Virvus Jones. “It started out as an all-male prep that served kids who lived in the old Pruitt-Igoe project, and she was one of the first women to break the sex barrier. She had a quiet determination,” Jones says. “We had some people who expressed their confidence level a lot louder than Darlene — she was always kind of the quiet, soft-spoken person she is now, but very determined. She was very dedicated to getting and making a better life for herself.”

    Green says she treasured the time spent studying at Sophia House; because her siblings were now older, she could afford to sneak away the time for herself. “It was one of the first places girls could go,” she says, “I’d go home, do my chores, and then it was, like, “Can I go, can I go?’ And I went. One of my best girlfriends and I would go, and I would really study, believe it or not — that was fun to us,” she says.

    When it came time to choose a college, Green, who’d toured schools on the East Coast and attended a summer program at Phillips Academy in Andover, Mass., applied to Washington University and Boston University. She was accepted at both schools. She was headed for Boston. But her cautious nature led to some last-minute worries. Although she had a scholarship package including tuition and room and board, Green didn’t have the money to get to Boston, and even if she did, how would she ever afford to return home for visits? She wrote to Wash. U. officials, asking whether she could get financial aid to live on campus, and they said yes. She stayed in St. Louis.

    “Sometimes I have second thoughts and wish I had left, because it is good to have experiences outside your hometown,” she says. But she could live on campus, away from home, and Green says she figured she could manage better there. She majored in business administration with an eye toward working in the accounting field, and she had her first full-time job before she graduated, when an internship at Brown Shoe in Clayton turned into an offer of permanent full-time employment. She finished her studies at night and graduated in 1978.

    Green worked at Brown Shoe for three years, then did a stint as an auditor for the Missouri Public Service Commission in Jefferson City and, for five years, worked as an assistant comptroller at Columbia College in Columbia, Mo. In the mid-’80s, as her five-year marriage was ending (she declines to talk about her ex-husband), she returned to St. Louis and took a job working for the May Co., handling accounting for its shopping-centers division. Back in St. Louis, she ran into Freeman Bosley Jr., whom she had known in high school, though not well. He had been friends with her cousin and her ex-husband. In 1986, Bosley, then the city clerk, offered her a job as financial manager in his office. She accepted. After Bosley was elected mayor, Green followed him to City Hall, taking the job of budget director in 1993.


    If not for an unusual string of events, including a chance meeting at a wake, Green would not be comptroller today. Back in September 1995, Green got a call at home on a Sunday afternoon from Bosley’s secretary. The mayor wanted to meet with Green the next morning. She had no idea why: “He had never done that before, so I was, like, “What did I do?’ I contemplated the whole day what was wrong.” That evening, she read about Virvus Jones’ troubles in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and figured Bosley might need her to do some work related to that. She wasn’t prepared for what happened at their meeting, when he began talking about making her the city’s next comptroller.

    Green says she was stunned, and as she listened politely, she quickly made up her mind to turn him down: “I sat back and relaxed, because I was, like, “No way!’ I was listening to him, being courteous, but when we finished the conversation, I said, “No, thank you, I can’t do this.’” She remembers the two of them exchanging puzzled grins as the meeting ended. “I figured he was thinking, “I just wasted my time.’ And I was thinking, “Yes, you did.’”

    That might have been the end of it. But the next day, as Green was attending a wake, she ran into Jackie Brock, an ordained minister and evangelist and wife of Cardinals star Lou Brock, whom Green had met before on social occasions. Brock motioned to her from across the room, then told Green she had been on her mind all day. A small television set in the funeral home was running a story on Jones’ problems, and Brock told Green: “You’re going to have his job.” She reached out for Green’s hands and asked Green to pray with her.

    The encounter so shook Green that she figured she had made a terrible mistake in declining Bosley’s offer. “I thought there was no way she could have known about this meeting I just had,” she says. “It was on my mind, but there is no way she could have known.” Green, a member of Antioch Baptist Church who considers herself a spiritual person, took the conversation as a sign. “If you are a spiritual person, you don’t want to miss your opportunity,” she says. “You want to be in the right place. That’s how I was feeling.” She called Bosley that night and told him she had changed her mind. But it was more than a month before he made his decision. Green says she had “goosebumps and rumblings in my stomach and was nervous for a good 30 days.” In early October, it became official: Green would be the next comptroller.

    At the time, speculation about who would get the nod centered on Circuit Clerk Mavis Thompson and Leslie F. Bond Jr., a lawyer and former head of the city election board. Bosley had made it clear that his choice would be an African-American, and Green’s name surfaced as a possible compromise candidate.

    Bosley says Green had done a good job for him in the clerk’s office, particularly in her handling of negative audits from state Auditor Margaret Kelly, who questioned what had happened to more than $1 million in funds from civil cases between 1986 and 1989. By 1993, Kelly said most of the problems had been corrected. Bosley says Green also performed well as budget director, submitting well-planned, detailed budgets.

    “In these types of situations, you try to get two things out of every decision,” he says, “a good administrative decision and a good political decision. When I started thinking about potential candidates, the politics had to give way to the administrative.”

    “She had no politics,” Bosley adds. “She was a political neophyte. But I knew no one could question my decision. She’s quiet and reserved, but she’s confident. And I don’t care what happens or what anyone says, but she knows finance and she knows money. She moves quietly and methodically and gets the job done.”


    Moving into such a public role was initially a stretch for the private Green, who had long felt comfortable in behind-the-scenes roles. “It is the hardest thing I’ve ever done,” she says. She viewed becoming a public official as a second job and sought out advice from other politicians. She methodically practiced her public speaking, read books, remembered old skills from a stint in a Toastmasters club, practiced in front of friends, learned that the cure for laryngitis involves cold liquids, not hot ones.

    “People who know me say there was a definite evolution from the time I first began until now,” Green says. “But I knew how to do hard work. There’s nothing wrong with hard work, and having a mother like I had, how could I not work hard?”

    During her first campaign, supporters initially worried that the public might view her as too nice or too timid.

    Darlene Davis, an accountant with TLC Next Generation who worked as deputy treasurer on both of Green’s campaigns, remembers those early campaign meetings, where some supporters pushed to “almost redefine her character” in an effort to address the niceness issue — and urged her to hire an image consultant: “Everyone was saying you have to do this and do that. Everyone was bombarding her with stuff like that and saying she needed to hire an image consultant.” Davis says Green politely refused. “She said, “I’m me; this is who I am and this is who I am going to be,” Davis recalls. “Forget all of the fluff — this is who she is. When voters see her and come to the conclusion that she is soft-spoken, it is because that is who she is, but she is extremely effective.”

    Davis says Green’s strongest trait is her consistency: “Over all the years I’ve known her, regardless of what position she is in, she is consistent. She has that sort of quiet, unassuming personality, but when it comes down to work having to be done, tough decisions having to be made, you might think she would be a pushover, but she knows her stuff. When it is time to be aggressive, she is aggressive to the point that she gets her point across and gets results accomplished, but in the end you are still left saying she is a humble, unassuming-type person. She doesn’t ruffle a whole lot of feathers, but she is effective.”

    But it hasn’t all been smooth sailing for Green. Early in her term, there were a couple of highly publicized blunders. In 1996, for instance, the Post-Dispatch reported that three felons were among the hosts of a campaign fundraiser in Kansas City; Green said she was unaware of their records. And in 1997, the Post-Dispatch sued to obtain the cell-phone records of eight current or former members of Bosley’s administration after Green refused to release the records. Those records, the Post-Dispatch reported, showed more than 11 hours’ worth of calls from Green’s two cell phones to her campaign staff. Green later reimbursed the city for the calls.

    But since then, Green’s tenure has, for the most part, been devoid of controversy or scandal. One alderman notes that with Bosley’s mayoral defeat in 1997, the departure of her benefactor has freed Green to be an independent voice in city government.

    She has taken on a prominent role in several key issues, including the future of the Kiel Opera House. Back in 1996, the Board of Aldermen directed Green to enforce the lease held by Kiel Partners — a group of mostly Civic Progress companies that raised money to build the new Kiel Center — and force the group to complete renovation of the Opera House. Green decided against suing Kiel Partners, which maintained that it had met its obligation by spending $2.5 million on the Opera House. She then appointed a task force to offer ideas on how Kiel could be restored; it recommended turning the building into a museum.

    Ed Golterman, founder of Kiel for Performing Arts Inc., an organization with the goal of reopening Kiel as a performing-arts venue, complains that Green’s task force included individuals affiliated with Grand Center Inc., which sees the Opera House as a potential threat to the Fox. “If you looked at the committee, it was pretty much stacked against reopening the Opera House as a theater,” he says. But even Golterman, who has since left the Kiel group, won’t pointedly fault Green: “I think her office consistently — let’s say the administration — consistently has ignored the economic and cultural value of Kiel Opera House and has absolutely melted to the pressure of Civic Progress lawyers.” He does say that Green’s office has seemed overly picky when proposals have come forward: “They seem to require an absolute perfect deal with all the money on the table.”

    Green says she decided not to sue the Kiel Partners because the city counselor’s office and lawyers with the St. Louis Development Corp. gave conflicting opinions on the city’s legal position: “I didn’t feel like I had strong legal backing, and I didn’t want to waste taxpayers’ money in court. I felt I could be more effective in bringing in community involvement to come up with a solution rather than going to court and spending money.”

    At one point, Green rejected a proposal from real-estate investor Sam Glasser, who had offered $1 million for the opera house. She says she would rather see the Opera House kept in a mothballed state until someone comes forward with enough money to ensure its restoration. Maintenance was required under the lease terms with Kiel Partners, and under the partnership’s successors, Bill and Nancy Laurie, who last year purchased Kiel Center and the hockey Blues. Green believes that ultimately, Kiel Opera House could be reopened as a blues and jazz museum but also as a performance venue.

    James Heidenry, treasurer of Kiel for Performing Arts, believes Green could have done more to see the opera house reopened. At the same time, he says, he is unwilling to criticize her: “I think what she’s trying to do is be very conservative and careful with the assets of the city, and I applaud her for it.”


    Green’s style in office has been a marked departure from that of her predecessor, who describes his own political style as more confrontational and contentious. Still, Virvus Jones gives Green a “pretty good grade.

    “What I think the comptroller is supposed to do is to ensure that the city’s accounts are being managed in accordance with the law, and I think she’s done a pretty good job. The city’s credit rating has consistently moved forward … which has reduced the cost of the city to borrow money.” Jones credits Green with striving to maintain her independence, citing her decision to resign from the board of ConnectCare in 1997 because she felt it conflicted with her watchdog role as the city’s chief fiscal officer.

    “I think sometimes people misinterpret her quietness and demeanor and may think she’s too soft on issues, and that may have to do with following me as comptroller. She probably has less vinegar in her blood,” Jones says. “People used to describe me as pretty cantankerous, contentious, but I had a different way of expressing my disagreement on issues than Darlene does.” She has developed a reputation as someone “who doesn’t get involved in public confrontations as much.”

    Green is also dealing with a different atmosphere than he did, Jones says, because he was the first African-American to serve as comptroller since John Bass lost his re-election bid in 1977 after serving a single term as comptroller. Jones was appointed to the position by former Mayor Vincent Schoemehl, and for a while, he was the only black on the Board of Estimation and Apportionment. Jones says that’s not an issue today, with Harmon and Green both on the board. And he says his battles may have paved the way for Green in some respects. He says he strived to improve the visibility of the office on the advice of former Comptroller and Mayor John Poelker, who felt the comptroller’s position “had lost stature in terms of being the fiscal watchdog of the city and had become a rubber stamp of the mayor’s office.”

    “What I set out to do, per Poelker’s advice and counsel, was to restore the confidence level,” Jones says. “By the time Darlene got there, a lot of that fight had been fought, with her help, too, as budget director.”

    Although Green is not considered as outspoken as Jones once was, she is not silent, either. In 1998, the mayor proposed a $113 million bond-issue package and property-tax increase to pay for improvements to the police and fire departments. Green went on record as saying the proposal was “bloated and simply too big” and withdrew her support from the plan. The mayor responded by scaling back the proposal to $65 million.

    Earlier this year, Green voiced her disapproval after Harmon attempted to award a potentially lucrative contract to handle a lawsuit by the city against the lead-paint industry to the John Frank law firm, a contributor to Harmon’s re-election campaign, without first seeking the approval of the E&A board.

    When the contract landed on her desk, Green called the mayor’s office to let him know she would not be signing it. “My office found the process had been skirted,” she says. “I sent it back, said, “Can’t do it,’ and they began the proper process.”

    The matter generated a great deal of controversy because Frank’s firm was criticized by Francis Slay as being less qualified than a competing law firm, which was rejected for the job by five-member city selection committee comprising representatives of Slay, Harmon and Green, plus two members of the city counselor’s office. The committee chose Frank’s firm, which proposed handling the suit for a 25 percent contingency fee, even though the rival law firm proposed charging just 18 percent if the case went to trial and 15 percent if the suit was settled beforehand. The committee did reduce the fee to Frank’s firm to 20 percent.

    At an E&A meeting in February, political wrangling continued between Harmon and Slay as Slay repeatedly spoke out about a less qualified firm’s being awarded the contract for a higher fee and proposed slashing the fee to 18/15 percent. Throughout the verbal sparring by Slay and Harmon, Green stayed silent. But when time came for a vote, she noted that she, too, had concerns that Frank’s firm was less qualified but, in the interest of expediency and in the interest of speeding up the likelihood of relief for lead-poisoned children, would approve the contract but with the reduced fee.

    She has made her opinion known on issues outside the E&A board as well. Green showed up last month as a crowd chanted outside the Schnucks store at Natural Bridge Avenue and Union Boulevard to protest the closing of two groceries in the city.

    “I thought it was important to go and important for the neighborhood people to let Schnucks know they were disappointed in how the store closings were handled, and also I felt they possibly were holding the neighborhood hostage by not only moving but planning not to allow the leases to be used by anyone else,” Green says.


    You have to stretch to find Green’s critics. One of the few people who has anything negative to say about Green is Z. Dwight Billingsly, a deputy comptroller under Jones who ran unsuccessfully against Green in 1997.

    “She hasn’t really done anything,” says Billingsly, a radio-talk-show host who is the Republican nominee in the race to represent for the 1st Congressional District. “Most of the things she takes credit for were things we put in — the city’s credit-rating upgrades were the result of Virvus Jones and Freeman Bosley passing two sales taxes. I believe the comptroller should be very outspoken with downtown revitalization, and you haven’t heard a word from her on that. And a taxpayer-financed stadium would be a project that would be absolutely stealing from the taxpayers, and I haven’t heard the comptroller say one word about taking tax revenue away from the city and giving it to sports-team owners.”

    Not so, says Green. Although she hasn’t staged a press conference on the steps of City Hall, Green says she let the stadium owners know early on she would not go for any plan that would involve diverting existing tax revenue generated by the stadium to building a new stadium. She will, however, consider earmarking any additional tax revenue for a new stadium if team owners can demonstrate that a new stadium would generate substantially more tax dollars.

    Another of her former election opponents has a different take on Green. Ald. James Shrewsbury (D-16th), who ran unsuccessfully against Green in 1996, says she’s done a “fairly good job.

    “She’s done two things I said I would do if elected comptroller. She’s doing more business with St. Louis firms than her predecessors did, so there are more dollars staying here. The number of complaints that aldermen and other elected officials receive about nonpayment of bills have dropped. Under Virvus Jones, a lot of suppliers were not getting paid. That problem seems to have subsided. There’s been very little in her performance that someone could criticize.”

    Ald. Lyda Krewson (D-28th), a certified public accountant who was considered by some to be a possible challenger to Green next year, says she has no interest in being comptroller and believes Green is doing fine. “It seems to me like she is always looking out to protect the assets of the citizens of St. Louis,” Krewson says. “She’s looked out for the credit rating and has protected it, and that is to her credit.” By its nature, Krewson says, the comptroller’s job is unlikely to generate much attention — unless something goes wrong: “Not many of us sit around talking about how great our accountant is unless they screw it up, and no one talks about how great our tax return is until they goof it up.”

    Green agrees that much of what she does, if she does it well, isn’t headline fodder. “I’m results-oriented. If there are issues that involve tax dollars, whether there is a savings, I go after that….” she says. “I’m the one who is going to be looking out for (taxpayers’) interest when it comes to building a stadium or a hotel.”

    As an example, Green notes that in 1998, the city’s letter of credit for the bonds on the convention-center project came up for renewal. Rather than renew the letter of credit, Green says, she wanted to check to see whether the city could instead qualify for insurance on those bonds. Because of its improved credit rating, the city did qualify for insurance, freeing up $15 million. Green agreed to allow part of that money, $5 million, to be used for remediation of the convention-center-hotel site.

    Green says she has insisted that developers stick to an original agreement to return $5 million to the city when the deal closes later this month — an amount she has earmarked for the ConnectCare program. And she has let Historic Restoration Inc. know that she will require a specific condition before the sale of the city-owned convention-center-hotel property, slated to close on Oct. 31. If the developer later sells the hotel to a new owner, she wants the city to see a $16 million slice of the profit. HRI is balking, but Green says she’ll stick to her guns: “I’ve said this is a deal-breaker. I’m not going to give up.”


    Right now, Green’s only ambition is to win reelection, and unlike the mayor, she’s drawn no major opponent. Harmon says it seems unlikely that she will. “What would they say? What were they going to market themselves as? I think she’s got a good record, and it’s going to be hard for anyone to stake some claim to the contrary,” Harmon says.

    Aldermanic President Francis Slay says Green has “assembled a great staff, and that’s to her credit. She and her staff have done a very good job on any financing matter.

    “I wouldn’t call her low-key,” he adds. “She lets you know her opinion and she’s not afraid to disagree, but at the same time she conducts herself in a professional manner and gets her point across without being unduly confrontational.”

    Some say Green ought to set her sights higher than just the comptroller’s office. Her political benefactor, Freeman Bosley Jr., is one of them: “I see her as a great candidate for statewide office one day.”

    Another is James Richardson, whose picture occupies a prominent place — not far from Bill Clinton’s — on Green’s office credenza. Richardson was Green’s high-school counselor at Vashon and a man Green credits with urging her on to college.

    Though he’s since retired to Massachusetts, Richardson keeps an eye on the St. Louis political scene through his subscription to the St. Louis American. His voice crackles with pride as he talks about Green, the quiet, serious student he counseled d

  • PSYCHIC STEALING

    PSYCHIC STEALING

    Most experiences with psychics, whether at a psychic fair or a psychic house party, are fun, droll, hopeful, but likely viewed as a lark — not something that might worm its way into your head and fester like gangrene. The experience of Tina and her mother was not a lark.

    One day in May 1997, 19-year-old Tina found a flier on her windshield. “Sister White,” it read. “Psychic Readings. Advice on Business, Marriage and Love Affairs. Bring your problems to me — I will help solve them.” The flier, which featured small pictures of an open red palm and a disembodied hand holding a set of playing cards, gave an address on Butler Hill Road in South County. Tina had never been to a fortune-teller, but the flier intrigued her. It had been just three months since her father, only 43, had died suddenly of a heart attack — and Tina was still searching for an answer, hoping someone could pull back the curtain and explain. She went to see Sister White. At first, the visit was unremarkable.

    “I felt comfortable,” she recalls. “The office was neat and carpeted. There was a big-screen TV in the waiting area.” Sister White — a small woman in her early 50s with dark hair and dark eyes — appeared. There were open sores on her face and neck, about the size of quarters, as if the skin had been chafed with sandpaper. “We went into a backroom, and she took my hands and gave me a reading,” Tina says. “It lasted 15-20 minutes. (It was) nothing exciting.”

    Tina then told Sister White about her father and asked the fateful question: “Is my dad all right?”

    At this point, says Tina, Sister White’s demeanor took a turn. “She said she got a “bad feeling’ about my father. She said he had been cursed by somebody our family knew, someone jealous of him. She kept saying “curse’ and that our family had been put under a spell. I was mesmerized and scared by all this. I wondered if this was another side to why my father passed away.” The woman told Tina she needed to bring in her mother to “talk about this curse.” She was emphatic about that. But Tina’s mother, Kathy, 42 years old and newly widowed, was not keen on talking to a psychic about her dead husband.

    Tina won out, however, and two days after Tina’s initial visit, mother and daughter went back to the neat modern office on Butler Hill Road. Kathy went in by herself while Tina stayed in the waiting area. In the course of her reading, Sister White again gave dire warnings of a curse on the family. But this time, she got specific: The curse was on her husband’s lifetime earnings — once he had reached $500,000, a “deadline” would be met, and he was destined to cash out. Permanently. But the curse was still in effect, explained Sister White, the money still tainted. Unless something was done, Kathy and her daughters would suffer the consequences. It would tear them apart.

    Over the next two months, Kathy would become intimately involved with Sister White. She began going on her own, as many as a dozen times, more frequently than even Tina knew. “She would come home very upset, scared to death,” recalls Tina. “She cried every night.”

    One day, Tina says, Sister White told Kathy to come into the bedroom in the rear of the office. She instructed Kathy to remove her clothing and lie on the bed. Kathy did. An egg, a cloth and some other things had been placed on a dresser. Sister White rolled the egg around on Kathy’s abdomen. She talked of removing the bad spirits that had collected inside Kathy. Then, says Tina, Sister White took the egg — which, like a superabsorbent paper towel, had supposedly sopped up all the icky psychic residue — and “when she cracked it open, there was black stuff inside.”

    Other exercises that Sister White required of Kathy included stuffing as much as $2,000 cash in her clothing; sleeping with large amounts of cash in her bed; and collecting a picture of her husband, along with his work clothes and shoes, and burying the items in the frontyard with the shoes facing the house. That was two years ago. As far as Tina knows, the mundane talismans are still there.

    THE CITY OF ST. LOUIS DOESN’T TOLERATE SISTER WHITE or any of her mystic cohorts. Interestingly, lawmakers validated psychic activity long ago by prohibiting it. The city’s “Seer Law,” city ordinance 15.86.010 (circa 1912), actually prohibits “foretelling knowledge of future events of another’s life or affairs.” Violating the ordinance is a misdemeanor offense.

    Thanks to the ordinance, all practitioners of the “crafty” arts hang their shingles (neon signs, in some cases) outside the city limits. And although it’s likely that many are doing business, by word-of-mouth and personal reference, a check of the Southwestern Bell Yellow Pages under “Psychics & Mediums” shows 33 listings. Most are national hotlines with a get-acquainted 800 number leading to a pay-per-reading 900 number. Among these are celebrity-endorsed psychic readers, including LaToya Jackson’s Psychic Network, Connie Francis Love Enhancement Psychic Line and Brigitte Nielsen’s Witches of Salem: “Talk live to authentic witches. If you enjoy talking to psychics, you’re ready for the next level. You’re ready for witches.”

    Six years ago, then-28th Ward Ald. Dan McGuire tried to repeal the ban on fortune-telling in the city. “Some constituents wanted to operate a pushcart at Union Station,” he recalls, “selling horoscopes, and when they went to get a business license, they were told, “Sorry, you can’t do that.’” McGuire says he didn’t see the harm in such an enterprise, and he attempted to persuade his fellow aldermen to permit a bit of harmless chicanery. It was not to be. Says McGuire, now director of the Department of Parks, Recreation and Forestry, “Some of my Catholic colleagues were quite opposed to lifting the ordinance, (Ald. Michael) Sheehan in particular, and the proposed repeal was voted down.”

    If you call yourself a parapsychologist, you can get around the ordinance. The Rev. H.B. Woolcock, 88, a “God-Sent Man from Jamaica” who claims to have a Ph.D., has kept offices on North Grand since 1956. Judging by the lingo in his regular ads in the Evening Whirl, he offers the same sorts of services as would a psychic: “Are you becoming uninterested in THIS LIFE? UNHAPPY MOST OF THE TIME? Do you know the CAUSE? Do you feel at times that there are STRANGE forces holding you back? Do you “see things’ “hear voices’ or feel haunted by the DEAD?” But the Rev. Woolcock’s approach seems to be more Norman Vincent Peale — “Power of Mind, Rightly Directed,” his motto — than the mystical stylings of a Sister White or even a Papa George, the Haitian worker of spells who routinely advertises in this newspaper. The upshot of all this is that the Rev. Woolcock has a St. Louis business license for his Parapsychological Counseling Service.

    Of the local practitioners listed in the phone book are several who claim to be “genuine,” “92% accurate” and “nationally recognized.” Given all of these claims, how does one go about shopping for a psychic? All there is to go on are their business cards, promotional brochures and ads in such New Age fishwraps as Pathfinder. And such variety! To be truly flummoxed, try to taxonomize today’s hodgepodge of mystic dilettantes. The veritable Pandora’s Box of characters includes intuitive consultants, psychic readers, astrologer/psychics, tarot readers, iridologists, numerologists, stone wrappers, aura readers, psychometrists and medium/ channelers. To further complicate matters, a strand comprising disparate practices and beliefs — hypnosis, miracles, Sufism, angels, shamanism, UFOs, therapeutic massage, feng shui, Morris dancing — seems to run through it all like some cosmic twine.

    There are the touchy-feely, bathed-in-light, ultrasensitive psychics who work out of New Age salons such as Mystic Valley and Pathways. (“I can’t talk to you anymore,” one flustered woman uttered during an interview. “My energy doesn’t blend with your energy.”) And then there are the old-school, evil-eye, fortune-teller psychics, the ones with the sign of the red palm out front who usually employ titles — often quasi-religious — such as “Madam,” “Sister,” “Reverend” or “Mrs.” before their surnames. Members of the Adams family — no, not Gomez and Morticia; that’s the Addams Family — fall in this category, police say. Among these Adamses is Laura Adams, who as Sister White preyed on Kathy and Tina.

    This Adams family has been locally active as psychics at least since 1975, when Dorothy Adams was arrested for attempted theft by deception. That case was dropped when the victims declined to pursue prosecution. She was arrested again on the same charges a year later; again, the victim or victims declined to press charges. But in 1985, after a nine-month investigation by undercover officers, four psychics operating out of their St. Louis County homes were rounded up, and this time the charges stuck. The arrested psychics were telling people they had problems or conditions that they really didn’t have, from hexes to cancer, then accepting payment for “solving” these problems. According to news accounts at the time, one victimized family had paid one of the fortune-tellers about $1,000 for her services. “One daughter, who had complained of headaches, was told that she had cancer, which would be cured if she paid $150 and bathed in salt water,” the St. Louis Post- Dispatch reported.

    Three of the women who were arrested were members of the Adams family: Dolly Adams, who did business as the Rev. Mother Taylor on Page Avenue in Pagedale; her daughter, Theresa Adams, who did business as the Rev. Mother Tina on Natural Bridge Road in Bel-Ridge; and the irrepressible Dorothy Adams, operating as the Rev. Hilton in a big white house on Watson Road in unincorporated St. Louis County, just west of the St. Louis city limits. Though boarded up and vacant these last 14 years, the property on Watson — now a pigeon hotel — is still registered to Dorothy Adams in High Pointe, N.C.

    It’s unclear how Laura Adams, who declined numerous invitations to comment on this story, is related to the other Adams women, but police are confident “Sister White” is part of the large group of affiliated, and sometimes nefarious, fortune-tellers. “It’s almost like a big network,” says St. Louis County Police Detective Kevin Cavanaugh, who was in on the Sister White bunco investigation from start to finish. “They’re all intermingled, but it’s hard to say who’s into who.” Paul D’Agrosa, the lawyer who represented Laura Adams, also isn’t sure how all the Adamses are related. “I don’t even to this day understand the relationship, whether they’re related by marriage, by blood or both.”

    Madam Mae, a longtime palmist in the Wellston Loop, was no fan of the Adamses. “Granny used to call them up and curse them out — she could curse like a sailor — for stealing her cut,” says Phyllis, Mae’s granddaughter, who has taken over the business since the passing of Mae in 1989 at age 92. A “cut” was what Madam Mae called her topographical map of the palm, which she had used in advertising since her traveling-carnival days as Madam Mezola. Never mind that she did not have a copyright on the old symbol — the Adams had no call to appropriate it for their own ads in the weekly papers.

    Elizabeth LeJeunesse, a former parapsychologist and psychic consultant who now runs a center for abused women, has also observed the Adamses over time. “I’ve watched those women for 20 years,” she says. “They’ve been very much around, working under different names at different times at different locations. They’ve always skirted the law, and they’ve always had a lawyer.”

    Their M.O., says LeJeunesse, is to “take a minimum amount of information — the rings on the fingers, the kind of car (a client is) driving — and extrapolate a maximum of data. They’ll do a “cold reading’ — that is, they make a general statement, watch for the reaction, and go from there. Some of these readers are so powerful in their convictions, they can make someone believe they really are under a dreadful spell, and the reason he can’t get his girlfriend back or can’t get an erection or can’t hold a job is because of this spell. For a price, they will burn so many candles to lift this spell, and of course their candles are the only ones that work. Once they’ve got their tentacles in you, it can be addictive, this need for advice, direction. Some people can’t even pick a restaurant without consulting their psychics — just incredible! And these poor, gullible people who come to depend on their psychics are just as addicted as any heroin junkie. I don’t know that these Adams people are psychic, but they’re very shrewd businesswomen, and they’ve made a ton of money.”

    Kathy Worley, a professional psychic located in West County, says she has heard several tales about the Adamses: “You ready for this one? One of my regular clients suddenly stopped coming, and about a year-and-a-half later she called to explain. She said, “Kathy, I feel guilty telling you this, but I went to another psychic out on St. Charles Rock Road, and she told me there’d been a curse put on me and that I could get my boyfriend back if I gave her money.’ It turned out she had given this psychic almost $2,000, and this woman makes minimum wage. Then she said, “Kathy, she also told me that you put a curse on me and that I should stay away from you, and that’s why I haven’t been around.’

    “Well, what the reader was afraid of is that I would tell this poor woman the truth, that she was being ripped off,” says Worley. “I have heard countless stories — how they make snakes come out of eggs, turn eggs rotten. What they do is switch the eggs. Oh, they do terrible things to people who are going through vulnerable times. It just makes you sick. What I don’t get is how when one human being sees another human being is in a lot of pain, they not only dupe them, give false hope, but they take their money, too. I just tell people that if you see the red palm, or if they have a lot of religious articles around them, or they say there’s a curse put on you, run like hell, because basically they’ll rob you blind.”

    SISTER WHITE DIDN’T ASK KATHY FOR money until the seventh visit. At that time, says Tina, “she needed as much money as Mom could bring to her. In cash — it had to be in cash. She was going to pray over this money, bless it and remove the curse once and for all.” Kathy offered the figure of $20,000. Sister White insisted that that sum was not enough. Says Tina, “Mom said she told her that the more cash she brought, the better this thing would work. Sister White said it was a very deep-rooted curse.”

    The plan devised by Sister White was simple enough: Go to the bank; withdraw cash; first bring it to their home (where Kathy would “meditate on it” for a period), then bring it to Sister White. The psychic, says Tina, had assured Kathy that she was not going to take any of the money — just perform some incantations on it and give it back.

    “She lied,” says Tina, ruefully.

    Tina and Kathy went to the bank and took out $82,000 in cash, about half of the family’s life savings. They went into one of those counting rooms that you see in the movies. “There were stacks of bills lying everywhere,” says Tina. “I remember thinking, “This is my college tuition — what are we doing?’” They boxed the money up and brought it to the car. Kathy’s other three daughters, incidentally, were unaware of what was taking place. “What are those boxes?” they asked as Mom and Sis spirited the cash into Kathy’s room. Later that day, they went to Sister White’s place. Kathy went in with the money; Tina stayed in the car.

    “That was the first time in my life I ever fell asleep in a car,” says Tina, “and an hour-and-a-half later I was awakened by my mom, who was sobbing and saying, “Let’s go, let’s go!’ I asked her, “Where’s our money?’ and she said, “Don’t worry, just go, everything is fixed.’ I don’t know what happened in there, but it was devastating to my mom. Sister White had told my mom that she had to take the money to a church, that she could better pray over it there.” Kathy was told to come back the next day and get the de-cursed stash.

    “Mom went back the next day alone,” says Tina. “Sister White told her, sorry, she had to burn the money. There was too much anger surrounding it. If the money wasn’t destroyed, the family would never again be prosperous.”

    In hindsight, Tina believes that after the first visit Sister White had researched the family through the obituaries. She knew there were four daughters; she knew their names. She suspected, correctly, that Kathy’s husband, an assembly-line worker at the Chrysler plant, had left the family in a healthy financial state.

    Kathy went to the police, but not right away. She had handed half of the family’s life savings to a virtual stranger. It took time for the hurt and anger and embarrassment to set in. Meanwhile, Sister White kept calling: The curse wasn’t quite removed. She exhorted Kathy to return for more sessions — and that was her downfall. Detectives tapped Kathy’s phone and eventually recorded enough incriminating statements to charge Laura Adams with felony theft. She was arrested on Oct. 9, 1997. Bond was set at $5,000. The warrant reads: One count “stealing $750 or more by deceit.” Laura Adams (the name she was charged under) enlisted the legal services of Wolff & D’Agrosa, a well-known Clayton law firm. And during the period between her arrest and her sentencing, the psychic turned to psychiatry.

    On May 27, 1998, Adams was voluntarily admitted to St. Mary’s Health Center by her psychiatrist, Dr. Raymond Knowles (who, interestingly, specializes in helping victims of psychic addiction) with a diagnosis of “major depression with psychotic features.” On July 14, she was readmitted to St. Mary’s with the same diagnosis by the same doctor. On July 30, Laura Adams and her attorney filed a motion to stay proceedings until Adams underwent a court-appointed psychiatric examination and the results could be evaluated. Prosecutors objected to any postponement, noting in a court filing that Adams appeared to “become depressed two to three days prior to the dates she is scheduled to appear in court.”

    Adams eventually pleaded guilty in November 1998, and sentencing was set for February of this year. After months of delaying the inevitable, the fortune-teller finally got her comeuppance. On July 9, Circuit Court Judge Larry Kendrick suspended imposition of a sentence and placed Adams on probation for five years. Adams already had made partial restitution to Kathy to the tune of $40,000, but as a special condition of probation, Kendrick ordered Adams to make the remaining $42,000 restitution payable to Kathy at the rate of $754 per month. That’s a lot of palms to read.

    To Tina, the slap-on-the-wrist sentence amounted to a slap in the face. “I feel like the judicial system failed,” she says. “People get put away two, three years for passing bad checks; she gets off on five years’ probation, pays half the money back and is still practicing her spells. The humiliation and embarrassment this lady put us through will never leave me.”

    Who knows how many other people, trusting and gullible, Sister White has bamboozled? People may be reluctant to come forward out of fear of appearing foolish. One woman, an Indochinese immigrant, alleges that in 1996, one year before Kathy’s ordeal, Sister White took her savings of $36,000 in the very same way. The difference is, the woman never filed a criminal complaint but instead sought to reclaim her money by hiring an attorney and filing a civil lawsuit. Her lawyer, Tim Hogan, says she chose this route because she would be mortified by the spotlight of publicity. That lawsuit, at present, is moving along the judicial conveyor belt.

    Detective Cavanaugh understands this skittishness and believes it’s all the more reason to praise Tina and Kathy for bringing the situation to the attention of police. “You know, a lot of these things don’t ever come to court,” he says. “It’s tough getting the victims to come forward, they’re so embarrassed that it happened in the first place.”

    CHICANERY AMONG PSYCHICS IS HARDLY A new phenomenon. Magician Harry Houdini, in his fervent attempt to communicate with his dead mother, wound up debunking psychics and mediums during the 1920s. It became a public crusade. He was disappointed at the cheap parlor tricks — hidden microphones, “floating” orbs, stage whispers — that passed for the actual thing.

    Seventy years later, Houdini is likely rolling in his grave, because psychics in America seem to be enjoying a new round of popularity. And although there may be fewer “spirit mediums” in the phone book, fewer Ouija boards in the closet, a new kind of psychic — the media-savvy “intuitive consultant” — is insinuating herself in the pop-culture marketplace, she and her sisters popping up like mushrooms after a good downpour. Same old wine in a brand-new bottle? Perhaps, but the demand is intense. Try booking a psychic during the “witching month” of October — it’s like trying to find some red roses on Valentine’s Day. Psychic house parties are certainly in vogue. Ditto psychic fairs and a general embrace of things otherworldly, as the summer’s offering of clairvoyant-witch movies attests.

    At a mini-psychic fair at Mystic Valley, a New Age bookstore, boutique and coffee bar located in the Deer Creek Shopping Plaza in Shrewsbury, sports-radio personality Howard Balzer is in line with all the other believers who were waiting to buy healing crystals, Zen alarm clocks and books on working one’s lower chakras. Mystic Valley, with its incense, bells, chimes and other dingle-dangles hanging from the ceiling, is the kind of place where the Age of Aquarius has not only dawned but is peeking over the rooftops and casting shadows in the backyard. Balzer is there on the overcast Saturday afternoon to buy sage after an out-of-state psychic told him burning the herb would create positive energy (and thereby remove negative energy) around the Rams. It’s sure as hell working — at the time, the team is 3-and-0, soon to be 4-and-0.

    “This was right after Trent Green (the quarterback whose place was assumed by the heralded Kurt Warner) got hurt and people thought the team was cursed,” Balzer explains. “We burned the stuff before the first game, and look what happened. We’ve burned sage before every game, and now we’re on a roll. We talked it up on the show. Now, all sorts of people are burning sage around the Dome before game time, chanting, “You gotta believe.’” At that moment, someone else in line pipes up. “Hey,” she calls, holding up what looks like desiccated weeds, “I’m getting this sage for the game tomorrow, too.”

    “Amazing,” says Balzer. “I’ve started a movement.”

    The event at Mystic Valley is billed as a mini-psychic fair because only six psychics are present — among them a couple of tarot readers; a geomancer, who uses “an old form of divination”; and a person who scans auras with her “third eye” and draws them with colored pencils. Like waiters in a Hollywood restaurant, no one here seems to do just one thing — this one is a tarot reader and medical intuitive, this one a psychic consultant and “rebirther” (for those who didn’t get it right the first time). The readings for this particular event are out in the open, with tables situated in corners of the small store and in the aisles, making it easy to eavesdrop: “I only go six months out,” cautions one. “I see you having lower-back problems,” intones another. “You’re going to be famous,” prognosticates one in a loose, flowing skirt, “I believe in the next few years, possibly due to an act of heroism on your part.”

    “Woo-hoo!” whoops the paying client. She thinks for a second and queries, “But I’ll be all right, won’t I?”

    “It tickles your senses; it’s just another form of entertainment,” says Cate Houlihan, a hairdresser and occasional attendee of psychic fairs. “Basically, you hear what you want to hear. You may think it doesn’t pertain to anything in your life right now, and then something happens down the road, and you think, “Oh, she told me that would happen.’ They tell you positive things; they make you feel good for your $50. It’s like going to a shrink, but it’s cheaper. Sometimes I think that’s all people need, to be told by a total stranger that everything’s going to be OK.”

    Nancy Miller has come to the event with friends and daughter in tow. Miller, a trim, athletic-looking woman in her 40s, says she has been to many clairvoyants and readers — “some uncannily accurate” — and has been “doing tarot” for 25 years and still doesn’t quite comprehend it. Does she follow the leads, the advice of the psychics, steering her life in certain directions because of what they have said? “You don’t take it to heart,” she replies. “It’s kind of a hobby. There’s not a lot of reasoning to this, but there is a lot of spirituality in this.”

    In fact, you hear that over and over from psychic-goers: that readings are to be used as a tool, perhaps to be considered a snapshot preview to looming possibilities. But why do people even want to be told what’s going to happen in their lives? “Added insight,” says Trudy Barr, a hospital technician and self-professed reading junkie. “If someone is at a point where they need to make a choice, this is where psychics and intuition should be added into all the other information they have. It shouldn’t be, “My psychic told me to sell everything I own and invest in ABC stock.’”

    For instance, a psychic supposedly told actress Linda Evans to postpone marrying Yanni; then one of them lost interest and the wedding never happened. “If one of them lost interest, it wasn’t meant to happen,” declares Barr. “You have to use your psychic and your own gut feeling. Like if your best friend says, “Watch out for this guy — he’s a weasel,’ that can be good advice, too, though no one listens,” she chuckles. “I’ve told people things that were just as good as anything they’ve ever gotten in a reading, and 90 percent of it is common sense. You cannot factor out common sense.”

    Though Barr believes that the psychics at Mystic Valley are among the best she’s consulted — “They’re intuitive; they’ve studied their craft and developed their skills” — she is concerned about the current crop of novitiates. When Barr first began seeing psychics, sometime around 1982, the pickings were slim, she says. “They just were not around. You had to know someone, and I happened to find a woman who introduced me to this remarkable society. Once I got interested, I stayed interested. I would get readings from any reader who would hold still.

    “Now, it’s quite different. It’s like psychics are coming out of the woodwork. And I don’t feel that all of them are ready. They may be talented, they may have some ability, but I think they’re rushed into being a “reader’ too soon. You cannot buy a tarot book, a deck of cards, and call yourself a reader any more than you can read a chapter on appendectomy and go do it on somebody.”

    A glance around the store indicates that almost all of the patrons are women. “Women are more inclined to intuition,” Miller hypothesizes. “They feel more; their emotions are on the surface. Men, it’s hard for them to grasp this. Not that they can’t be intuitive,” she adds hastily, “but they don’t have time or inclination to fool with this. In my entire life, I haven’t met a man who thought this was interesting. My husband thinks it’s hogwash.”

    Miller’s husband is not alone. LeJeu-nesse, who patronizes a dry cleaner in Deer Creek Plaza, casts a critical eye on the burgeoning commercial psychic enterprise next door: “You go to Mystic Valley weekdays after noon and watch the women who go in there with high heels and uniforms of the business world, who are looking for advice on their lunch hour and getting this advice from some common housewife with a deck of cards, telling them what to do with their future. My God, it’s frightening and it’s sad.”

    Other observers of the trend see the attraction to psychics as the corollary of a deep-seated need to believe in something. “You can write critically about psychics and mediums all you want,” says the Rev. Woolcock in the dim, dusty confines of his office on North Grand. “These things have always happened and always will happen — oh, you should have seen all the gypsies and fortune-tellers along 42nd Street in New York during the ’50s. You cannot discourage the public from seeing them, because people need something to believe in, and if they can’t get it in church, they know where to go.”

    If a fascination with psychic fairs and the paranormal is on the rise — and judging from the volume of books on subjects ranging from practical witchcraft to locating your spirit guide, it is — Mary McLeod, a saleswoman at Mystic Valley, can understand why: “People are becoming more aware that it’s not just what you see in front of you that makes up life. People come in who have experienced dreams and visions, new sensations, which they’re curious about, and they are feeling more free to ask and to understand. Then they see there are so many ways to seek out these answers. Some want to erase old patterns, become better people or get closer to God. But I think ultimately what they all want is a greater perception on life.”

    Peter R. Phillips, professor emeritus of physics at Washington University and a member of the Society for Scientific Exploration, a professional forum for debate on topics outside mainstream science, believes some people may have psychic ability, though he concedes his is not a widely held view among scientists. “You talk to most scientists and you get the response that there’s no good evidence for psychic ability and that sensible people should not believe in these things. On the other hand, there is a minority of scientists, including me, who believe that there is strong evidence for at least some of these phenomena.”

    “We’re trying to establish the truth,” says Phillips. “There’s no omnipotent figure who is going to hand us the truth, and so we have to work it out between ourselves, and we just disagree on controversial issues like these.”

    Jerry LeClerc, a licensed professional counselor in Clayton, agrees that leaving open the doors of perception, even a crack, cannot hurt and may even help. “There are many things I can’t explain that seem to come from some other form of energy,” he says, “and there are some people, who seem to be in all ways reliable, who talk about their dreams’ being very meaningful and predictive. I’ve had clients who meditate to improve their mind. Previous to doing this, they said, “I don’t see the value in this exercise,’ but after they have meditated for some time, they then say, “I don’t see how I could not have done this.’ The same observation is there for psychic ability: that if I look at it as a serious thing, a possibility, maybe I would see something. But if I’m looking with skeptical eyes, I might not see it, I might not experience it. I may not click in. Like people who come to a hypnotist and have no belief in hypnosis more often than not will not be hypnotized. Just because you can’t prove something doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist.”

    AMONG THE SKEPTICS, THE GUYS AT THE Shell station on Butler Hill Road guffaw at the mention of Sister White. Across the street stand her former digs, a modest white frame building, neat as a pin, now serving as a realty office. Ask what became of her, and they’ll say, “Why, she moved out after she

  • BODY OF EVIDENCE

    BODY OF EVIDENCE

    The window tables at the Casa Gallardo restaurant on St. Charles Rock Road don’t ordinarily offer much of a view — a couple of bushes and a yucca plant surrounded by rocks in a small landscaped strip. But around noon one steamy Thursday, two TWA flight attendants walked in for lunch and were seated at the window table overlooking the bushes. Something caught their attention amid the greenery, peeking out from beneath the yucca plant.

    It was a human skull.

    It wasn’t the pearly color of an anatomy-class specimen or haunted-house prop. It was a shade of ocher, with bits of dirt lodged between its teeth. The face of the skull, jawbone askew, was aimed directly at the window on the building’s east side.

    Whether the flight attendants ever finished their lunch is unclear. The discovery was so startling and strange, one of the women thought it must be a prank. She called the manager over and pointed it out. Worried that other patrons might lose their appetites, the manager immediately pulled down the blinds, then called the Bridgeton police. It was 12:47 p.m. on June 28, 1990.

    It wasn’t a prank. Within the hour, crime-scene investigators were taking photographs, and the skull was sent to the St. Louis County medical examiner’s office. An anthropologist concluded that the bones were of “recent origin” and bore markings more consistent with an adult female than a male. Not much more could be determined.

    Walter Mutert, now Bridgeton’s police chief, remembers that the source of the skull was a mystery. At the time, a lot of digging was going on near Lambert International Airport, including the wholesale moving of cemeteries to make way for MetroLink, he notes. “There were problems with that airport cemetery, with remains coming up.

    “There was no reason to believe at that time there was any foul play,” Mutert says. “There was nothing for us to go by.”

    Police classified the case as “found human remains.” The cranium and jawbone were stored on a shelf at the county morgue, a skull with no name.

    In the 5-by-7-inch photograph, 27-year-old Linda Sue Sherman grins at the camera. Her head is cocked to the side, and her brown hair has the sort of long, layered look so popular in the mid-1980s. She’s wearing a blue turtleneck with eyeshadow to match.

    She was born in 1957 and spent her entire life in North St. Louis County, growing up on Dadebridge Court in Ferguson and attending McCluer High School, never straying far from the area she called home. Outgoing and athletic, Linda was the youngest daughter of Walter and Elenora Lutz — carpenter and homemaker — a churchgoing couple determined to see each of their children receive at least a high-school diploma.

    Linda almost didn’t graduate. She was 17 and pregnant when she exchanged vows with McCluer High classmate Donald Sherman during a small ceremony at Christ Memorial Baptist Church in Cool Valley on Feb. 10, 1975. The wedding wasn’t fancy. Linda wore a blue dress with a high neck and poufed sleeves. The groom sported a turtleneck sweater beneath his powder-blue jacket. They celebrated with their guests afterward at Noah’s Ark Restaurant in St. Charles.

    The newlyweds continued to attend McCluer High while renting a house next door to Linda’s parents, and Don, a senior, graduated a few months later. After giving birth to a daughter, Patricia Marie, in August, during her summer break, Linda began her final year of high school while her mother watched the baby. They called the little girl Patty.

    Don Sherman says those early years weren’t easy. The couple struggled to make ends meet while raising a child. Linda worked a few part-time jobs — altering suits at Sears, key-punching at Site Oil Co. — before settling into work in data entry. He worked briefly as an assistant manager at a gas station before becoming a machinist — a career he has stayed with ever since.

    One of Linda’s older brothers, Dennis Lutz, remembers trouble in the Sherman marriage. “I know they moved in next door to my mom and dad, and I know there was a lot of conflict at that point,” he says. “Her husband, Don, was a very jealous person. He didn’t even want her talking to people — other guys, that is.” Although Dennis moved to San Antonio, he saw Linda when he returned home for visits. “When we were home, we kinda did things together,” Lutz says. “He was even jealous about that. I said, “This is my sister. We’re going to go have lunch together.’ He would just have a fit.”

    By October 1977, the Shermans were separated, and Linda filed for divorce. She wanted custody of their daughter and the couple’s marital property: an assortment of furniture, some dishes and silverware, a sewing machine, a black-and-white television. Linda didn’t follow through with the divorce. In March 1979, a judge dismissed the petition for “failure to prosecute,” a legal term for lack of activity in the case.

    That same year, Linda and Don Sherman reconciled, and the young couple bought a modest five-room brick bungalow on a quiet dead-end street in Vinita Park, a small bedroom community of middle-class, mostly blue-collar families.

    In the early 1980s, while the couple struggled to make their home — and their relationship — work, Linda suffered a miscarriage and afterward was told she had epilepsy. She suffered from seizures, and, because of her health problems, says Don Sherman, the couple decided they would have no more children.

    Their marriage continued to have problems. In 1982, Linda moved out again, this time into an apartment in St. Ann, taking 7-year-old Patty with her. Apparently tensions between the couple had escalated. In September of that year, Linda filed for an order of protection against her husband, claiming he had threatened her and Patty and had “tampered” with her car. She described Don as “mentally unstable,” adding that he had threatened to take his own life “and possibly that of my daughter and myself.”

    Don Sherman admits an “instance” with his wife’s car. “The vehicle was in my name,” he says. “I just disabled it so it couldn’t be driven.” But he says those memories are too old to recall in detail. “I’m not sure what my reasoning was then. It was a long time ago.”

    A judge granted the order of protection and also ordered Don to pay $20 a week in child support.

    That separation didn’t last, either. Within a month, Linda notified the court that another reconciliation was in the works and that the protective order was “no longer necessary.”

    “Please acknowledge the fact that my husband, Donald E. Sherman, and myself, Linda S. Sherman, are presently working things out,” Linda wrote the judge on Oct. 21, 1982.

    Not long after the couple’s 10th wedding anniversary, in the spring of 1985, Linda was planning to leave Don again. She filed a petition for dissolution in St. Louis County Circuit Court on April 11. Frank Vatterott was her attorney. “I just remember her as being very nice, very polite, and an attractive lady,” he says. “She was not sophisticated or anything, but I think she was kind of classy…. I remember her as having class and being a person of stature.”

    Though the petition was filed, Don would not be served with the court papers for a few more weeks. Linda continued living with him at the house on Monroe Avenue in Vinita Park.

    “It was a little rocky right then at that time,” Don Sherman says. He was working the day shift at a machine shop; she worked evenings at the U.S. Government Records Center on Page Avenue. He says he had growing suspicions that his wife was having an affair: She had started smoking again after quitting years earlier. She didn’t come home from work on several occasions, and when he called her at home from work, she wouldn’t be there, he says.

    And then one day in the early spring of 1985, Sherman says, his suspicions were confirmed when a truck driver who worked with him saw Linda and one of her co-workers from the records center.

    It wasn’t the first time his wife had cheated on him, Sherman claims. She’d worked as a cocktail waitress at a Flaming Pit restaurant, and “that changed her in some ways.”

    In any case, Linda and Don’s relationship had soured, and tensions were high by April 1985. On April 22, after she worked her usual evening shift at the records center, Linda signed out at 2:16 a.m., went home and slept on the couch. Though Linda usually took Patty to school in the morning, on this day Don drove her to school. That evening, Don says Linda left for work around 6 p.m. She was wearing blue jeans, tennis shoes and a blue jersey emblazoned with the number 76, he says. Linda did not report to work.

    She never would again.

    That spring, Linda’s older sister, Fran, who lived in nearby Hazelwood, had begun talking on the phone with her sister almost every night. The conversations revolved mostly around the problems Linda was having with her husband. The phone calls stopped on April 22, and then Fran and her husband, Sam, learned that Linda hadn’t shown up for work. They began to worry.

    “She was getting ready to leave her husband for good,” remembers Sam Miller, a retired engineer, “and so she took certain steps. She talked to Fran about this a lot over the phone.” Fran nods her head. “She was trying to move out of the house and into an apartment somewhere.”

    Linda had filled out a change-of-address form at the local post office, directing her mail to her sister’s house on Coachway Lane in Hazelwood. Her last two paychecks came to the Miller house after Linda disappeared.

    One check is inside a manila folder Sam Miller keeps, the envelope still sealed. The folder contains old newspaper clippings, faded court documents and a small ad offering a $1,000 reward for information about Linda’s disappearance. Fran says Sam can remember all kinds of important names and dates, thanks to that folder. Memories fade. It’s been 14 years since they last saw Linda.

    Nestled among the papers in the folder is the 5-by-7 photograph of Linda.

    She’s not alone in the picture. Her husband is seated beside her on a brown flowered sofa. But when the Millers needed a photo for the missing-person poster, for the police file and the newspaper, they enlarged the part of the picture with Linda’s smiling face. They cut Don out entirely.

    Inside the small brick building on Midland Avenue, behind Vinita Park City Hall, Lt. Michael Webb keeps the same picture of Linda Sherman in a manila file folder. Her case fills two entire drawers in the metal cabinet in the corner of his office. The room is neat. On a nearby shelf, sandwiched between various law-enforcement titles, are books on botany and crime-scene archaeology.

    A seemingly unflappable man with a solemn voice, Webb, 48, has spent most of his career in Vinita Park, except for a single year as a patrolman in Charlack. He spends his free time at the St. Louis County Library headquarters on Lindbergh Boulevard, researching through ribbons of microfilm for details about organized crime at the turn of the century in St. Louis. Someday, if and when he retires — “They’ll have to push me out of here; I’ll be in a walker,” he says — Webb figures he might write a book about local mob history.

    Webb was a patrol supervisor back in 1985, and he remembers reading Linda Sherman’s missing-person report. He read all the daily reports as a patrol supervisor, and Linda’s report stood out. “There was just something that didn’t sound right,” says Webb, a sandy-haired man with a mustache who has since traded his police uniform for a crisp shirt and tie. “We have missing persons reported all the time. Generally, within a few days, there is contact with someone, especially a loved one like a child.”

    That’s what just about everyone said about Linda’s disappearance: It didn’t sound right.

    Linda’s parents, her brothers and her sister and brother-in-law insisted there was no way Linda would leave her 9-year-old daughter, under any circumstances. Her co-workers and friends agreed. Linda, a doting mom, wouldn’t do such a thing, they said.

    Don Sherman told police that an overnight bag and other items appeared to be missing from the house. Because Linda had left him twice before — both times emptying their home of furniture — he says he thought she’d left him again. On both of those occasions, however, she had taken Patty with her. This time, she did not. Sherman says he can’t recall what he made of his wife’s disappearance at the time. “I don’t remember exactly what was going through my head,” he says now. “It’s way too long ago to remember that.”

    As each day passed with no word from Linda, the Millers grew increasingly alarmed. They posted fliers offering a $1,000 reward for information on her whereabouts. They spoke to co-workers at the government-records center where Linda worked.

    Four days after Linda disappeared, Sam Miller says, he lay awake in bed, thinking about a musician whose car had recently turned up at Lambert Airport after he was murdered. They hadn’t looked for Linda there, he realized. He woke his wife; they got dressed and drove to the airport. They had rounded the first turn in the short-term parking garage when they saw what they were looking for: Linda’s yellow Volkswagen Beetle, her schoolbooks from a computer class inside, a hat tossed on the back seat. They called for an airport-police officer and waited for him to pop the trunk, worried they might find Linda’s body inside. The officer opened the front compartment of the Beetle, where the trunk is located. But there was no trace of Linda.

    Soon after, the Millers met with Vinita Park police, and Lt. Webb was officially assigned to the case.

    He interviewed co-workers, family members, Linda’s husband. He pinpointed the time she’d signed out of the records center. He learned that the airport kept track of cars parked in the garage longer than 24 hours, and that Linda’s car had been noted on April 24. He checked the passenger lists of airline departures from Lambert. No Linda Sherman.

    Within a week of her disappearance, Don Sherman reported that he’d seen Linda riding in a van with someone else — and that she ducked. He told police he tried to follow the vehicle but that it got away from him and he wasn’t able to write down a license-plate number.

    The lieutenant tracked down dozens of leads throughout the state of Missouri. None checked out. Linda wasn’t the type to have enemies. Webb could not find any. He checked out the male co-worker that Don Sherman says she had been seeing, but that man had an alibi and was ruled out as a suspect.

    Months passed with no sign of Linda, and police decided to go public with a plea for help in the case. Linda’s disappearance — and her family’s concerns about foul play — were described in a July 15, 1985, article in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat. “We’re at an impasse,” Vinita Park Police Chief Robert Hartz was quoted as saying. “There’s little more we can do without a break.”

    The break didn’t come.

    While everyone worried about Linda’s whereabouts, Don Sherman says he tried to move on with his life. About a year after Linda disappeared, he filed a cross-petition for divorce stating that Linda had abandoned both him and their daughter. His lawyer was Frank Anzalone, a prominent Clayton criminal- defense attorney, whose clients included people accused of serious felonies such as rape and murder. Sherman is reluctant to talk about why Anzalone handled his divorce, except to say that Anzalone has always been his lawyer and that he had first met him when Anzalone was a public defender and represented Sherman’s mother in 1974.

    “My mother killed my father,” Sherman says matter-of-factly.

    It was after midnight on Feb. 25, 1974, when police arrived at the Sherman home in Cool Valley and found 47-year-old Charles Sherman, an unemployed watchman, shot dead at the kitchen table. Audrey Sherman, his wife, and all five children said they awoke to a loud bang. Police officers searched the house and found a .38-caliber gun stashed in a heating duct. Audrey was later indicted for first-degree murder. Four months after the wedding of her son Don, she pleaded guilty to manslaughter. She served six months in the county jail.

    “She put a bullet in him as a result of one of their arguments,” Don Sherman says. “They were both alcoholics.”

    Sherman says he, too, turned to drinking in the years after his wife disappeared. “It took a long time for me to deal with it,” he says, “to come to terms with it. And a lot of alcohol.”

    By 1988, three years after Linda’s original divorce petition was filed, Anzalone’s office had had the case placed on the docket of uncontested divorces.

    Frank Vatterott, who was hired by Linda Sherman to handle her divorce, objected. “It would be impossible for me to consent to an uncontested dissolution,” he wrote in a June 21, 1988, letter to Anzalone’s office. “I have not heard from the family of Linda Sherman for approximately one year. I presume she is still missing.”

    Vatterott says he had intended to take Don Sherman’s deposition earlier in the divorce case but decided it was futile. “Anzalone, who was his lawyer, said, “We will just plead the Fifth,’” Vatterott recalls. “So I didn’t take it.” Anzalone could not be reached for comment.

    In June 1989, with Linda nowhere to be found, a judge dismissed the divorce case, thereby leaving the Sherman marriage legally intact.

    One year later, on June 28, 1990, a skull appeared outside the Casa Gallardo restaurant in Bridgeton.

    Don Sherman was there that day. He says the restaurant’s bar was his regular place to go for drinks. And when the skull showed up that day, he recalls, “It was the talk of the restaurant.” As for where the skull came from or its identity, Don Sherman says he had no idea.

    Neither did the Bridgeton police.

    Fourteen months later, an unusual piece of mail arrived at the Vinita Park Police Department. It was Sept. 6, 1991, and among the batch of letters that the administrative clerk was sorting was an unsealed envelope with no return address. Inside was an eight-month-old Super Bowl flier from the Casa Gallardo in Bridgeton. One side of the orange sheet described the promotion — cheap cocktails and free nachos to customers watching playoff games at the restaurant. The other side contained a single sentence, stamped out in purple ink:

    “THE BRIDGETON POLICE HAVE L. SHERMAN’S SKULL.”

    Lt. Webb, careful not to touch the note and envelope, was incredulous at the message inside. Could it be true? he wondered.

    “I hadn’t heard anything about Bridgeton police finding a skull,” Webb recalls. “I felt they were going to laugh us out of the place when we went in there.”

    But when Webb talked to a patrol sergeant at Bridgeton, he was told about the skull discovered a year earlier outside the restaurant. Webb delivered Linda Sherman’s dental records so that they could be compared with the “found human remains” stored away on a shelf at the county morgue. The next day, a forensic dentist confirmed that the skull was Linda Sherman’s.

    Clearly the letter-writer was someone who knew about the skull found more than a year ago and wanted Vinita Park Police to know that it was Linda Sherman’s. It could have been the killer who sent the letter. Then again, it could have been someone who merely had some knowledge about her death.

    The letter deepened the mystery and raised nagging questions for the police and for Linda’s family. Who, after police failed to identify the skull as Linda’s, sent them a note to make sure they did? Why send the note on a Casa Gallardo flier? More important, where was the rest of the body?

    That last question left the Millers both puzzled and horrified. “Whoever did this went to where they buried her and dug up just the skull and left the rest of her body there,” Sam Miller says. “We couldn’t figure out why somebody would have done that.”

    Patty Sherman, who had just turned 16 at the time her mother’s skull was identified, was living with her paternal grandmother during the week and spending weekends with her father. She remembers that she was doing her homework when two police officers knocked at her father’s door to deliver the news.

    “I wouldn’t answer the door. I had a feeling something bad was going to happen,” she recalls. She woke her father, who spoke to the police. “All he told me was, “They found your mom.’ And I just bawled. He said he didn’t know a whole lot. And he went back to his room.”

    She would learn the details later, from her cousin. “I was really upset,” she says. “We live in such a sick world that after she was dead, someone dug her up and put her somewhere, put half of her somewhere. How could somebody do that to her?”

    At the Vinita Park Police Department, the Linda Sherman missing-person case had turned into a homicide investigation. Lt. Webb scrutinized the old reports. He re-interviewed the original witnesses, six years after Linda vanished. “It was pretty difficult,” he recalls. “The trail is cold by then.”

    He forwarded the note and envelope to the FBI crime lab in Washington, D.C., but the author had been meticulous: There were no fingerprints on the letter and no saliva on the envelope. Webb requested information about the rubber stamp used to create the message and learned that it was the type widely available at office-supply stores.

    Webb shipped the skull to the University of Missouri-Columbia, where an archaeologist studied the traces of soil and a botanist examined the plant material adhering to the skull. Those examinations offered no meaningful revelations. The soil probably came from a rural setting, such as a wooded area, Webb was told, a tidbit of knowledge that didn’t come close to narrowing down where the rest of Linda’s body might be buried. The plant material was of the morning-glory species; the purple-flowered vines are common throughout Missouri.

    Webb developed his own theories about the case, but many of the details seemed to defy rational explanation. Some theories he will share; others he will not. “It seemed pretty obvious to me someone wanted us to identify that skull,” Webb says. “Why else would they send us a note telling us where to find it, helping us along, so to speak?”

    But why? “I hesitate to really speculate,” Webb continues. “There are some people, killers, who like to taunt, who think they are of a higher mentality than police — who like to play a little game.”

    Webb pressed on with his investigation. He contacted the FBI’s behavioral-sciences unit in Quantico, Va., but they didn’t have much to go on. In November 1995, he attended the national convention of the International Homicide Investigators Association, where hundreds of detectives had gathered in St. Louis. The conference drew experts who had worked on famous cases: O.J. Simpson, Ted Bundy, the Green River murders in Washington.

    Webb used the opportunity to hit people up for advice. “People I really admire, I ran into there,” he says, “very experienced homicide investigators, the experts in their field. Anybody I could I would pull aside and say, “Hey, look, I got this case — do you have any suggestions?’” For the most part, they were things he had already tried.

    Webb came to obsess about the case. It wasn’t just that Linda Sherman’s was the only unsolved murder case in Vinita Park. It was that he now knew her family. “We all have very much of a closeness to this case, anybody who’s been here for any period of time,” Webb says. “It’s been with me since 1985. Even though I didn’t personally know Linda, I’ve gotten to know several of her family members quite well…. I feel some obligation to the family that this case be resolved.”

    There was something else, too. “You hate the idea that someone committed this crime and has gotten away with it for so long,” Webb says. “I want him or her to know that it’s not going to be forgotten. Any new development in forensic science or some type of lead will be followed up. It’s my job. It’s something I have to do. She’s not here to speak for herself, so somebody has to speak for her.”

    Webb never eased up on the case. Thirteen years after Linda Sherman was reported missing and eight years after her skull turned up, Webb still had little to go on except the skull itself.

    “My idea has always been, the key to this case is the recovery of the rest of the remains,” Webb says. “I feel if we could find that original burial site, we could glean a lot more evidence, even after all these years — evidence that might help convict the killer or help identify the killer.”

    Then, for the first time in several years, Webb had some reason for optimism. At a conference on crime-scene archaeology held in Weldon Spring last year, Webb listened to speakers describe advances in soil science. An FBI agent and a college professor told Webb that the tiny amounts of dirt on Linda Sherman’s skull might provide a break in the case.

    That was all Webb needed to hear.

    Three months ago, on the morning of Aug. 19, with Sam and Fran Miller watching, a backhoe shoveled the dirt on Linda Sherman’s grave in Steedman Cemetery near Fulton, Mo., and unearthed the 18-inch-square concrete vault containing her skull. FBI agents supervised the exhumation and shipped the skull in a wooden crate to Mercyhurst College in Erie, Pa.

    At the college’s Archeological Institute, Professor James Adovasio spends most of his time applying high-tech principles to archaeological sites in such places as Israel, the Ukraine and the central part of the Czech Republic. But he has also put his skills to work as a sort of high-tech soil sleuth in archaeological-theft cases prosecuted by the federal government.

    With the use of X-rays and powerful electron microscopes, one sample of sediment can be distinguished from another almost to the level and precision of a fingerprint, Adovasio says. He has examined soil in seven federal cases involving prosecutions under the U.S. Archeological Protection Act.

    The Linda Sherman case will be Adovasio’s first murder case. The technology is both costly and time-consuming, making it impractical for most routine criminal cases, he says, adding that it’s a rare case in which dirt is the best available evidence. Adovasio will compare a sample of dirt from Linda’s skull with seven samples provided by Vinita Park police, who suspect her body may be buried in an area of Missouri that measures several hundred acres. Vinita Park police are not saying exactly where that area is.

    The analysis could rule out that area entirely — or it could help narrow down where to look more closely.

    Adovasio explains. “If you went into your frontyard… we could take a sample from one end and another end and find broad similarities to it,” he says. “But the samples will be sufficiently different that if you buried an object on one end of your yard and then an object on the other end, I could say with a certain degree of statistical certainty that the objects came from the same yard but definitely not the same hole.”

    The technology available today is far more advanced than it was in 1985, when Linda Sherman disappeared, Adovasio says: “With the advent of computer-controlled scanning electron microscopy and energy-dispersive X-rays, we can actually count individual grains of sediment and find out what the chemical composition of a grain of sediment is. And you couldn’t do that 15 years ago.”

    Adovasio expects the final results on the tests of soil taken from Linda Sherman’s skull to be in shortly before Thanksgiving.

    One of Adovasio’s colleagues, anthropologist Dennis Dirkmaat, will be examining the markings and indentations on the skull. Dirkmaat has consulted on 250 criminal cases. He will be looking for clues to determine where the skull has been. “We’ll look carefully at subtle bits of evidence,” Dirkmaat says. “Is there evidence the body decomposed on the surface or was buried or in water?

    “One of the thing we will want to look at is trauma to the skull… I saw that some of the bones were broken. We’ll do a more detailed examination of what may have caused the trauma: Was it perimortem — at the time of death — or postmortem, and what may have caused that?”

    Patty Sherman Harvell, now married and living in Attica, Ind. with her husband and 4-year-old daughter, is waiting for news about the soil tests on her mother’s skull. Now 24, she last saw her mom when she was a fourth-grader at George Washington Elementary School. “I couldn’t even close my eyes and tell you what she looked like if I didn’t have pictures,” Patty says regretfully. “I think about her all the time. I think about what I missed, about how my daughter is going to grow up without her grandma. It was really hard growing up without a mother.

    “I wish I knew her. People tell me I look just like her — everybody tells me that — and I wish I knew her.” In the past several months, Patty has grown increasingly interested in finding out what happened to her mother all those years ago. She wants to find the rest of her mother’s body “so we can put her to rest,” she says.

    “It’s been a long time not knowing. Maybe I’ll have some type of closure on it,” says Patty, who has a recurrent nightmare about her mother. She sees her sleeping on the sofa at their home in Vinita Park — the way she did on the last day Patty saw her mother alive. Patty is leaving for school, but her mother fails to kiss her goodbye. Patty always wakes up in tears. She’s not sure what it means.

    “I just want to know what happened to her,” she says. “I just wish I knew.” Patty begins to cry. “I want somebody to pay for taking that away from me.”

    It’s an awkward situation, because she knows who police suspect. It’s her father.

    And he’s known it for 14 years.

    When his wife first disappeared, police called Don Sherman down to the station and asked him questions. They asked to take a look around his house. They asked about that final day he spent with his wife. They asked about the couple’s marriage.

    They kept asking questions.

    “It used to be a regular thing,” Don Sherman says. “They used to come by and say, “Well, can you come down to the station….”

    “I’m pretty much the only suspect they have,” he adds.

    Don Sherman still lives in the same house on Monroe Avenue. Now it’s decorated with candy-corn lights and stickers in the window and other signs of his 6-year-old daughter, a child with his second wife, whom he married in 1994. He’s 42 now, a tool-room supervisor for a company in Belleville, Ill.

    Sherman is willing to talk about his first wife, but he does so on the front porch. His current wife is inside, and he’s worried it might be uncomfortable. He wears blue jeans and a black T-shirt with the big face of a bald eagle. He sports a full beard and hair that falls halfway down his back.

    “I’ve long stopped worrying about it,” Sherman says about the police suspicion. “I didn’t do anything. It’s been, what, 14 years? A lot of things have happened in my life since then. Till this new thing, the new technology, I hadn’t thoug

  • Easy Money

    Easy Money

    At dusk, the mist wreathes halos around the headlight beams of the cars whooshing up the westbound entrance ramp onto Highway 30 from Route 141. The harried travelers come in waves: wheels whirring, wipers wiping, racing through the gathering darkness, with windows rolled up against the damp, chill air.

    None of them hear the spring peepers on the far side of the guardrail, down the embankment among the shallow stands of flood water. In the fading light, they can’t see Fenton Creek running brown, either, as the stream carries away the topsoil from the barren hillside that looms over this crossroads. Behind the First Baptist Church, where the Wednesday-night prayer meeting is in progress, twisted clumps of forest debris are all that remain of the trees that once grew here.

    That the wooded hillside survived almost into the new millennium is no small feat. But in this case the 28.5-acre slope has been clear-cut not for logging purposes but for retail sales. The groundbreaking for the new Fenton Crossing shopping center, which will be anchored by a Dierbergs supermarket, took place on April 15.

    To develop this area, the hill itself will be sawed in half and the creek bed relocated. Plans call for excavating 640,000 cubic yards of earth, with more than half of those materials to be hauled from the site. By next year, much of the ground will be graded and covered with asphalt. The work entails blasting a series of rock terraces into the incline. An architectural rendering of the finished product depicts a manmade palisade towering 100 feet over the strip mall.

    The cost of this project is estimated at $23.8 million, with more than $6.7 million of it to be publicly subsidized.

    Another way to view the site is to drive farther west on Highway 30 and double back on Country Home Road. Once beyond the Summit Heights subdivision and the monolithic Solid Rock Ministries church, with its bank-style time-and-temperature display, the road narrows into the kind of lane that its name denotes. Traffic thins out here and rural mailboxes still line the shoulder, but things are about to change. Nearby, the road abruptly ends at a sign that says: “Welcome to the City of Fenton, pop. 3,343.” Behind the sign, two yellow bulldozers stand idle in the mud.

    After the city recently annexed this area, it took the land of one property owner through eminent domain. As a result, Joe Murphy’s property is now within spitting distance of the new development. The Murphy homestead is situated near the crest of the hill, about a quarter-mile off of Old Smizer Mill Road. Murphy, 69, lives there with his wife, Joyce. English ivy climbs one corner of their shake-shingled cottage; conifers tower in the background. There are a screened-in porch and a toolshed out back.

    “They kind of ruined it. That will be a cliff soon,” says Murphy, referring to the adjacent area that has already been clear-cut. “I imagine we’ll be able to see the tops of some roofs. There will probably be some noise and some lights and so forth. It’s just heartrending to see the bulldozers. A tree that’s been sitting around for 150 years they can knock over in about 15 seconds.

    “We’ve owned the place for 72 years,” he continues. “I was born here. My dad bought it in 1927. I’ve always said that the law was for the rich and the poor. The little guy in the middle is the guy who really gets screwed.”

    Murphy is alluding to the tax-increment financing (TIF) statute. Under the state law, a municipality can designate a redevelopment area as a TIF district if it meets certain criteria. This allows the city to issue bonds that pay for the necessary infrastructure improvements to spur new development, including the purchase of property. In addition, the money can be used for everything from constructing roadways to paying for legal and consulting fees. The debt is then amortized — for up to 23 years — by earmarking half the increases in applicable sales and property taxes generated by the new development.

    TIF, which originated in California decades ago, became sanctioned in Missouri in 1982. The framers of the law intended for it to stimulate economic growth in the inner city, not realizing that statute loopholes would allow for its eventual misappropriation. After federal tax credits shriveled up during the Reagan era, private developers began to seek other ways of capitalizing their ventures with public funding. They hit on TIF because it provides for up-front financing rather than tax breaks later.

    As a result, TIF use has soared in the last few years for all the wrong reasons. Instead of helping neglected urban settings, the law is frequently used nowadays to promote suburban retail projects. Sometimes, as in Fenton, the public subsidy triggered by the law is used not to clean up abandoned areas but to “straighten out” natural phenomena such as hillsides.

    More often, it is used in the inner suburbs to finance the acquisition of residential property. In these cases, TIF employs a carrot-and-stick approach. Developers, with the assurance of TIF backing, will routinely acquire options to buy housing at above-market value. But their enticing solicitations to homeowners come with an implicit threat. Under the law, the city can invoke eminent domain and expropriate the property. The dubious public-private alliance also allows for the blighting of entire neighborhoods for the scantiest of reasons. Once an area is marked for such redevelopment, it tends to freeze any financial investment, and home and commercial improvements are placed in abeyance. Disinvestment becomes the rule, not the exception, which ultimately leads to further decline.

    In short, TIF has become a form of corporate welfare, pumping public money into private projects where subsidization is unwarranted. Moreover, it’s a growth industry that provides not only lucrative business opportunities for developers but also further enriches the lawyers, consultants and construction contractors who do their bidding. Losers in the TIF game are the consumers, who are forced to subsidize the projects through sales taxes, and school districts, which are deprived of the increased tax revenues generated by TIF projects.

    There are about 40 TIF proposals currently on the books in St. Louis County, according to the county planning department. They are spread across the map from Bel Ridge in the north to Valley Park in the south. Nearly half of these publicly subsidized projects are retail developments and several more fall into the mixed-use category, which includes a large percentage of retail space. Some projects have been completed, whereas others are yet to be approved (see chart on page 20). Although a few TIF projects deserve accolades for stimulating growth in economically depressed neighborhoods (see sidebar on page 22), economists, regional planners, politicians and lawyers interviewed for this story believe that TIF — as it is now being applied — is widely abused.

    In part, the abuse of the law stems from its ambiguity. “The problem may well be the flexibility that the statute gives the municipalities,” says Peter W. Salsich Jr., a law professor at St. Louis University. “The concept was that it was supposed to be used to restore blighted inner city and inner-ring suburbs. To me, the key question is (whether) the area is blighted and is in need of this kind of public support in order to get turned around. When people get carried away with these things, there is eventually going to be a backlash.”

    David Merriman, an economist at Loyola University in Chicago, estimates that more than half the states now use some form of TIF. “TIFs are almost always a bad idea,” says Merriman, who has studied the effects of the law. “The research we did was on cities in the Chicago metropolitan area. Our conclusion was that cities that have TIF actually grew more slowly than cities that didn’t have TIF. The reason we think that this happened is that by using TIF you are essentially stealing from the rest of the city to concentrate on a few areas that you’re trying to develop. So it’s actually costly to the city. You’re moving development around in an inefficient way.”

    The Fenton Crossing project is being developed by Sansone Group, one of the most prominent TIF players in St. Louis County. Sansone built the Promenade on Brentwood with the help of TIF. The same developer is currently involved in controversial TIF projects or proposals in Hazelwood, Eureka, Rock Hill and Olivette.

    Last year, the city of Fenton expanded its TIF district to include the hill on the other side of Highway 30. The plan also calls for the redevelopment of the existing Wal-Mart and Shop ‘N Save stores in the old downtown section. Altogether, the Fenton proposal has ballooned to a projected cost of almost $193 million, with more than $50 million in public funds coming from the TIF designation.

    PGAV Urban Consulting, a St. Louis-based firm specializing in TIF-related matters, prepared the redevelopment plan for the city of Fenton. PGAV and other consulting firms have honed the art of defining large tracts of land — hillsides or already developed commercial areas — as blighted or in danger of blight so the areas can be designated TIF districts. As mentioned, the Fenton TIF district calls for the redevelopment of the existing downtown section, and PGAV’s study cited a deteriorating infrastructure — including a cracked Taco Bell sign — as sufficient indication that the area was drifting toward blight. That was deemed enough to justify a TIF-district designation, including the undeveloped hillside near the highway. The proposed plan allocates only about $4.5 million of the budgeted costs to spruce up the Olde Towne downtown section. More than $47 million in TIF, on the other hand, will go toward clearing the land to make way for the new developments on either side of the intersection of Highway 30 west of Route 141.

    The Fenton redevelopment plan writes off the existing downtown area as obsolete, a throwback to the 19th century, and endorses enlarging the city’s commercial strip through westward expansion. “In contemporary terms, attracting commercial and mixed-use development means that parcels of sufficient size with appropriate width and depth dimensions, appropriate site topography, and appropriate access must be available,” according to PGAV’s redevelopment plan. “Such parcels must be located along and have easy access to major roadways and have excellent visibility from these roadways.”

    G.J. Grewe is the other developer involved in the project. Similar to the Sansone’s Dierbergs project, the opposite hillside will be blasted away to create a level area for another strip mall and parking lot. Ironically, the name of the new development is to be Gravois Bluffs.

    James E. Mello, the attorney for Grewe, says that the use of TIF is appropriate in the Fenton development and elsewhere. “There has always been government participation in economic development. TIF doesn’t change that,” says Mello, a partner in the law firm of Armstrong, Teasdale, Schlafly and Davis. “It’s always been there in one form or another. You had tax abatement. You had federal grants. Those programs don’t exist anymore.”

    Mello, a former Ferguson city manager, is a director of the Missouri Tax Increment Financing Association, a group dedicated to the use of the state statute to its legal limits. As a lawyer who specializes in municipal issues, he bristles at the idea that TIF is being misapplied in this case. “I think you really got to look not at the tool that’s being used,” says Mello, “but the public purpose of trying to maintain your economic base and strengthen it. Sometimes it is a public-private partnership that has to be used to accomplish that.”

    Nothing in the law now precludes a city from annexing a proposed TIF district. Nor does the statute prohibit a municipality from subsequently using dynamite to blow away hillsides that stand in the way of economic progress. But is this what the law intended? Salsich, the law professor, issues a caveat in this respect. “My question is (whether) the area is blighted,” he says. “There is nothing wrong with the idea itself. You’re basically using the taxes to pay for infrastructure in that spot. But, if it gets misused, you’re not accomplishing your purpose.”

    By rearranging the geological structure of the area, Fenton has laid rightful claim to the regional frontier of TIF development.

    In the inner-ring suburbs of St. Louis County, TIF subsidies are used for another questionable purpose, the buyout of homeowners at exorbitant prices. The law allows for the artificial inflation of property values at taxpayers’ expense. By manipulating residential-real-estate market forces, TIF creates a different kind of upheaval — the displacement of human populations. The proposed project in Olivette is a good example of this unacknowledged diaspora.

    According to plan, Chickasaw Drive is crumbling a little bit at a time, like the chink in the pavement under the front left tire of Irv Zeid’s red Toyota.

    In 1956, when the street was new, Zeid and his family moved into their ranch-style home in Arrowhead Park, shortly after the Olivette subdivision opened. In those days, he commuted to work at the family-owned furniture and clothing store in North St. Louis. At home, his wife and he raised two sons, who attended nearby Hilltop Elementary School. The school acted as a common bond for residents of the neighborhood, and Zeid became more involved in the community as a subdivision trustee. Later, he ran successfully for a seat on the city council. The license plates on his Toyota identify him as Mayor Z, in honor of his one-year term as municipal leader between 1975 and 1976.

    At 70 years of age, Zeid looks back on his civic career with pride. He has served on every conceivable municipal board or panel, and confronted an array of local issues, from annexations to potholes. “I still have a constituency,” he says, seated in the dinette of his Arrowhead Park residence. The half-drawn drapes allow natural light to filter through a cracked picture window. In the living room, oversized ceramic lamps harken back to an earlier suburban era, as does the chandelier, which resembles an inverted space-age menorah. Mayor Z, as he refers to himself, says he would like to buy new carpeting and furniture and replace the gutter and rotting fascia on the front of the residence. He would like to fix up the house, but his plans for renovating have been put on hold for nearly two years.

    It’s not altogether clear how long Mayor Z’s self-proclaimed constituency will remain intact, either. Like those of his neighbors throughout Arrowhead Park, Zeid’s life is in limbo; the same uncertainty faces residents of the adjacent subdivisions of Hilltop Woods and Fairlight Downs.

    As he explains his predicament, he leans his elbows on the pile of newspapers on top of the dinette table and describes how the stress has taken its toll. For more than an hour, a half-filled cup of black coffee is left untouched as he continues to talk. The man sitting at the dinette table looks older than the one in the family portrait on the wall. With each new tale, it becomes more evident that Mayor Z, in his current role of subdivision trustee, is facing the most disturbing quandary of his political career.

    “It’s made me sick to my stomach,” says Zeid. “I’ve now got a spastic colon. From day to day, it can cause me a lot of problems.”

    Zeid, who has devoted a lifetime to his community, now favors wiping his neighborhood off the map, including his own house. He is not alone. His views are shared by the vast majority of the nearly 300 homeowners located on an 85-acre tract of land north of Olive Boulevard between Interstate 170 and Price Road. All of these residents have been persuaded to sell their homes because the TIF subsidy allows the developer the luxury of buying the property at prices far above the going rate.

    As in Fenton, the Olivette development is being driven by Sansone Group — in this case, through a partnership with THF Realty. The proposal includes building a Wal-Mart, Sam’s Wholesale Club, Shop ‘N Save and a Lowe’s or Home Depot.

    Last month, the city finally signed a memorandum of understanding with the developer to permit up to $38.9 million in TIF financing for the proposed Wal-Mart project, which has a total projected cost of between $107 to $111 million. In other words, more than a third of this private development will be financed with public funding. The Olivette TIF Commission will next meet on June 9 to consider approving the proposal.

    Requesting TIF assistance has become a routine operating procedure for developers like Sansone. But there is a continuing debate over the efficacy of the law. As one St. Louis County municipal official put it: “I believe there have been abuses of TIF in St. Louis County. In this day and age, every developer comes to town with his or her hand out. They’re looking for that subsidy that is known as tax-increment financing.”

    Supporters of TIF, on the other hand, argue that the law allows economic development in areas that would otherwise go begging. Zeid, for example, defends the Olivette TIF proposal on the grounds that the city has no other way of increasing its tax base because there is no room for it to expand further. “The city needs the money,” he says. “The only way to do it is to get commercial in here.”

    The developers concur with Zeid, arguing that the expense of building shopping centers mandates governmental assistance. “If it were not for TIF,” says Jim Lewis of THF, “these projects would never come close to happening. You can’t buy 280 homes and make the numbers work for any type of a shopping-area development. You’re subsidizing private development because the numbers would never work without a subsidy.” Lewis’ statements sound reasonable except for a crucial detail — the TIF statute was designed to address blight, not to buy out perfectly livable residential property.

    In attorney Mello’s view, the rationale for defending TIF may change with the terrain or the clientele, but its rewards remain immutable. In Fenton, where he represents a developer’s interests, the Armstrong-Teasdale lawyer asserts that the city needs to expand its borders to pursue its economic destiny. In Olivette, where he represents residents aching for a buyout, a neighborhood is worthy of condemnation to accommodate market forces. TIF can be equally exploited in both locations.

    But critics maintain that suburban retail TIF developments don’t really create new economic activity. Instead, they purloin a portion of the pre-existing tax base from neighboring cities. With municipalities throughout St. Louis County vying for their share of sales-tax revenue, TIF has become an incentive for competing cities to snatch a bigger piece of the pie.

    To Lee Brotherton, an Olivette resident, TIF is a bane to the St. Louis-area economy. “It seems to me that the city of Olivette ought to pay a little more attention to the debate that’s been going on in this region now for at least a decade about trying to eliminate the pointless, unproductive profit system between the municipalities, the simple tax grabs that don’t benefit our community,” Brotherton told the Olivette TIF Commission at a hearing in April.

    Brotherton is a former aide to St. Louis County Executive George “Buzz” Westfall; he currently serves on the East-West Gateway Coordinating Council, the regional planning agency. “Where is this new revenue that is going to be captured coming from?” asks Brotherton. “Is it coming from Overland? In the long run, (this) is not going to be a benefit to the people of Olivette or to the people of the St. Louis area. It’s bad public policy and it’s bad government.” Brotherton adds that there are ample shopping outlets within minutes of the proposed Olivette development, including the Target store in Brentwood — another Sansone TIF development.

    Following his public comments, Brotherton expanded on his criticism of the Olivette TIF proposal. “It’s clear that the people running the city government decided long ago that they were going to have a TIF development,” says Brotherton. “It is also clear that they made absolutely no effort to weigh whether or not this was good for the area in general. As an Olivette resident, I care about Overland and I care about the other surrounding communities, and this is short-term gain and long-term loss. It’s really insulting to propose this development. I mean, we have the opportunity to have a Wal-Mart? Now a Wal-Mart by any other name is still a Wal-Mart. We don’t need another big, ugly warehouse in our community. We need a stronger regional economy. That’s the bottom line.”

    Whether cash-strapped cities see TIF as a panacea or a necessary evil, the results are the same: Established neighborhoods are being destroyed, falling prey to TIF subsidies, which allow Sansone, THF and other developers to buy out property owners at above market value.

    To be decreed a TIF district, the law requires the area be designated an economic-redevelopment zone and be declared blighted or tending toward that end. Arrowhead Park falls in the latter category, having been defined under TIF to be a “conservation area.” To qualify as a “conservation area” under the TIF statute, 50 percent of the housing stock within the TIF district must be 35 years of age or older. In the aging, inner-ring suburbs of St. Louis County, this criterion can be easily met. It is a loophole in the law large enough to drive a bulldozer through.

    When a municipality becomes bent on pursuing a TIF project, the whole process becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. All investments are put on hold. Home sales halt. Roofs are not replaced. Houses aren’t painted. Additions aren’t built. Normal life comes to a standstill. Years may pass.

    Meanwhile, property taxes get spent elsewhere, as everyone waits for the deal to go down. Each inaction reinforces the next. The Olivette TIF proposal, for instance, points to the deteriorating streets — the chink in the street in front of Zeid’s house — that the city itself has refused to repair. Since signing options to sell their properties, many homeowners have already relocated and rented out their former residences. The Olivette TIF proposal cites the increase in decaying housing and rise of rental units as another sign of deterioration. The neighborhood is in the process of destroying itself, with the assistance of the city and TIF.

    Zeid finds himself caught in the middle, having taken on the role of a behind-the-scenes negotiator. “I’m kind of frustrated because I think the developers are using me, as well as the city,” he acknowledges. “The city knows I’m in contact with the developers, and they can use me to try and get their points across and vice versa.”

    It all began in July 1997, says Zeid. While he was busy carrying out his duties as an organizer for Olivette’s annual Summerfest celebration, Sansone Group, through a third-party real-estate agent, was quietly obtaining options to buy the houses on the 30-acre tract that fronts Olive Boulevard. The Sansone proposal would have left Zeid and his neighbors surrounded by commercial and industrial property.

    After word of the deal was leaked by St. Louis Post-Dispatch columnist Jerry Berger, Zeid and his fellow subdivision trustees convinced the Olivette City Council that Arrowhead Park should be included in the development. The subdivision then hired Mello. Meanwhile, a competing effort was under way by THF Realty, which contacted the Armstrong-Teasdale law firm and started buying options on houses in Arrowhead Park, says Zeid. Ultimately, the two competing developers formed a partnership to develop the entire 80-acre tract.

    “When the city was starting to negotiate with both developers, they were trying to play one developer against the other, trying to get the best deal for the city,” says Zeid. “Nobody ever thought they would merge, because these guys were known not to have a fondness for each other.”

    The partnership, indeed, seems to be a marriage of convenience. Sansone Group possessed the bulk of the sales options on the front half of the needed property but had failed to include Arrowhead Park in its proposal. This left THF an opening. Michael Staenberg and E. Stanley Kroenke own THF. The latter developer holds an interest in the St. Louis Rams football team. More important, he sits on the board of directors of Wal-Mart, and his wife is the niece of the late Sam Walton, the founder of the retail behemoth. Forbes magazine recently estimated her worth at more than $600 million.

    That Kroenke is married into the Walton family is merely a coincidence and has nothing to do with his realty company’s efforts to build a Wal-Mart in Olivette, says Lewis, the spokesman for THF in St. Louis. “We have no tie to Wal-Mart other than we’ve developed a lot of shopping centers with them,” he says.

    Using TIF money to raze hundreds of houses to make way for a Wal-Mart is an idea that astonishes Merriman, the Loyola economist. “That’s insane. If people are living in the houses, there is no way I would think that (possible),” he says. “A lot of times TIFs have moved very far from the original intent. That’s one of the things that I find disturbing. You start out with this law that makes some sense, even (that’s) debatable, and then the way that it’s implemented makes no sense.”

    In a position paper released in April, the East-West Gateway Coordinating Council, the regional-planning agency, acknowledged the problems endemic to TIF. “In the mobile regional marketplace, many local governments are vulnerable to pressure from private developers to make tax increment financing available in order to ‘win’ new jobs, retail activity, and associated sales tax revenues,” says the report. “In the absence of other tools and enforcement standards regarding its use, TIF districts are cropping up throughout the region in areas in which evidence of blight and distress is scant or non-existent. Nor is it always defensible that public sector intervention in the market is necessary in order for the redevelopment to occur.

    “If the region is going to stabilize the industrial and commercial areas which are truly blights on the economic landscape, TIF must be targeted to its originally-intended use. Individual local governments acting alone cannot make this happen. It requires both statutory and procedural changes and a long-term commitment to more sweeping reform.”

    East-West Gateway recommends the following changes to the TIF law:

    *Blighting for TIF developments should be restricted to economically distressed areas.

    *Public-sector-intervention standards should be established and enforced.
    *TIF proposals should be approved by an objective third party.
    *TIF-district boundaries should not extend beyond the area found to be blighted.

    *Cost-benefit-analysis requirements should be more stringently applied.
    Anthony F. Sansone Sr., the patriarch of the Sansone Group, will never be displaced or disturbed by a TIF project. The 73-year-old developer is far from the bulldozers’ roar, ensconced in the tony St. Louis County suburb of Huntleigh, where, according to St. Louis County property records, he occupies a 15-room mansion that has seven baths and a market value of almost $1.5 million.

    Reaping TIF benefits is but the latest good fortune to befall Sansone, whose financial affairs have flourished in the gray realm where private interests and public policy come together. Over the years, newspaper accounts have alleged a litany of improprieties from which Sansone Sr.’s business interests have reportedly profited. Many of the accounts contain references to associations with political and organized-crime figures.

    For instance, in 1964, Sansone acted as campaign manager for his business partner, Alfonso J. Cervantes, who successfully ran for mayor of St. Louis that year.

    Once in office, Cervantes named Sansone Sr.’s brother to the influential post of city assessor. Prior to this appointment, Joseph C. Sansone was a partner with Anthony Sansone Sr. in the family’s real-estate business. By 1967, Sansone Realty Co., then located at 4705 Hampton Ave., had its property taxes rolled back by more than 50 percent, according to a story in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat.

    A 1970 Life magazine story, by former Globe-Democrat reporter Denny Walsh, focused national attention on Cervantes’ relationship with Sansone Sr. The story told, among other things, how Sansone arranged a 1964 campaign-strategy session between his father-in-law, Jimmie Michaels, then head of the Syrian organized-crime faction in St. Louis, and Cervantes. After Cervantes won the mayoral primary, the Life story reported that Sansone Sr. later attended another strategy meeting with Michaels and Anthony “Tony G” Giordano, then the leader of the St. Louis Mafia. After publication of the Life story, Sansone denied in news accounts that the meetings took place.

    Sansone’s associations drew additional scrutiny in 1972, when he appeared as a witness in a federal anti-racketeering trial in Los Angeles. Under oath, he testified that in 1967 he had withdrawn a $150,000 investment in the Frontier Casino in Las Vegas, after being notified he would be required to apply for a Nevada gaming license. Federal prosecutors had alleged that Mafiosi in St. Louis and Detroit were trying to gain illegal control of the casino. Sansone, the prosecutors alleged, traveled to Las Vegas with Giordano to make the investment. Sansone denied the charge but testified that he was acquainted with Giordano through family ties.

    With the passage of time, however, these eyebrow-raising headlines have been mostly forgotten, and the Sansone Group, as it is now known, goes about its business with little publicity. News stories that chronicle TIF projects are buried in the business section of the daily newspaper or relegated to the pages of the neighborhood weeklies. At the same time, the abuse of TIF keeps pressing the envelope of legality.

    In Hazelwood, Sansone is involved in the redevelopment of the Elm Grove Plaza on Lindbergh. The proposal includes the demolition of 10 houses, with a TIF subsidy of $2.5 million on a $12 million project. In Eureka, Sansone has teamed up with Prime Retail Inc. and is set to begin building an outlet mall with a $35 million TIF subsidy. In Rock Hill, Sansone has been given the go-ahead for a 25-acre development at the intersection of Manchester and McKnight roads. The proposed $24 million mixed-use TIF project would raze 125 middle-income housing units and replace the existing neighborhood with a strip mall and luxury condominiums costing from $200,000-$300,000 each.

    “Development is our business,” says Doug Sansone, a spokesman for Sansone Group. He declined any further comment, saying that members of the family-controlled company didn’t want to be quoted for fear that they would be portrayed in a negative light.

    Space exists at a premium in the retail-development world, a world measured in dollars per square foot. “Big box,” “mega mall,” “power center” and “category killer” are all part of the real-estate jargon that describes the alterations that society is undergoing to fit the expansion of the market economy into the next millennium.