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  • Rich and Charlie’s Celebrates 50 Years of Pasta, Family and That Salad Dressing

    Rich and Charlie’s Celebrates 50 Years of Pasta, Family and That Salad Dressing

    PHOTO BY SARAH FENSKE

    From left: Paul Ronzio, Marty Ronzio and Emil Pozzo Jr. — three members of the family that founded Rich and Charlie’s and continues to run it today.

    Fifty years ago, a pair of Italian families with long roots in the St. Louis restaurant industry opened a place on Delmar. Rich and Charlie’s, named for co-owners Rich Ronzio and Charlie Mugavero, quickly became known for its pasta, its salad dressing and its knishes.

    Yes, knishes. The original Rich and Charlie’s was a Jewish/Italian hybrid, with matzoh soup and pastrami in addition to canneloni and cavatelli. It was, recalls Marty Ronzio, a late-night spot — it had no liquor license, but stayed open ’til 3 a.m. to accommodate hungry revelers.

    “A lot of the business was after the bars were closed,” he says. “Instead of going to the pancake house, you’d go eat some pasta.”

    It goes without saying that much has changed since that opening in 1967. But what’s almost more remarkable is what hasn’t. When Rich and Charlie’s owners brought back an original menu to celebrate their 50 years in business last week, they realized that all but one of the pasta offerings were still on the menu. That salad dressing is still exactly the same (customers buy it by the case, online and at local groceries). And even though the restaurant’s matriarchs no longer make the pasta by hand in a family basement, the recipes have not been altered.

    The current owners — cousins Marty Ronzio, Emil Pozzo Sr. and Chuck Pozzo, who are descendants of the original Rich, as well as Emil’s brother-in-law Dominic Puleo — say they’ve added some things and taken away others. Naturally, they now offer gluten-free options, as well as low-carb ones. They no longer offer knishes; the Jewish stuff is almost entirely gone.

    But for the most part, they say, customers look to them for their consistency.

    “People like to see a familiar face,” says Emil Pozzo Jr., manager of the Crestwood location. “We get a lot of people who ask for their server by name.”

    They come for the friendly service, the generous portions (“we go through a lot of to-go boxes,” notes Paul Ronzio, manager of the Lemay Ferry location and Marty’s son) and the kind of St. Louis-style Italian that might surprise diners in Naples or Venice, but that feels at home in south and west county. Customers buy “Rich and Charlie’s Famous Salad” by the pan come the holiday season.

    “People know what their favorites are,” notes Paul Ronzio. “Seventy percent of them, they’re ordering the same two or three things every time.”

    He adds, “There would be riots if we got rid of the pasta con broccoli.”

     

    Perina Pozzo, second from left, was the mother of the restaurant's current co-owner Emil Pozzo Sr. She and her husband Emil (lower right) founded the commissary that serviced the Rich and Charlie's restaurants. - COURTESY OF EMIL POZZO JR.

    COURTESY OF EMIL POZZO JR.

    Perina Pozzo, second from left, was the mother of the restaurant’s current co-owner Emil Pozzo Sr. She and her husband Emil (lower right) founded the commissary that serviced the Rich and Charlie’s restaurants.

    The family has stories. Back when they opened the first Town & Country location, people would ride up on horses — that’s how far the place seemed from the city in those days. And there was once a white tablecloth Rich and Charlie’s, located near the old Arena.

    “People would dress up in coats and ties to go to hockey games,” recalls Marty Ronzio. “They were crazy busy at that location.”

    The closure of that Rich and Charlie’s was tied, in part, to the tragedy in the restaurant’s backstory: Co-founder Charlie Mugavero was killed, along with his wife, when the commercial airliner they were on crashed en route to Puerta Vallerta.

    Of that Arena location, says Marty Ronzio, “That was Charlie’s baby. When he passed away and we had all the other things going, it just didn’t make sense any more.”

    These days, there are four Rich and Charlie’s, all in St. Louis County. The original location at Delmar and Old Bonhomme is not among them. Among the many branches on this family tree is the Pasta House — Rich Ronzio opened its original location in downtown St. Louis along with his two nephews and investors Kim Tucci, Joe Fresta and John Ferrara. Later, says Marty Ronzio, the two families went separate ways, and during the split, the original Rich and Charlie’s on Delmar became a Pasta House.

    Marty Ronzio attributes the parting to differing visions for the business. Rich and Charlie’s decided not to franchise, to keep things in the family. They have no regrets, he says.

     

    Rich and Charlie's south county location opened in 1973. - PHOTO BY SARAH FENSKE

    PHOTO BY SARAH FENSKE

    Rich and Charlie’s south county location opened in 1973.

    As Rich and Charlie’s celebrate its 50th anniversary this year, the restaurants are offering a special: Sunday through Thursday, you can get two pastas from the original menu, salad and mini cannoli for just $19.67.

    Even better is the deal that lets you roll all the way back to 1960s pricing: Twenty lucky winners each month will be selected to dine out at the original prices, based on their willingness to share their memories under #richandcharlies50 on social media.

    You don’t need to be online to get in on the competition, though; diners can also share those memories in person. That’s not exactly unusual for Rich and Charlie’s, even if the payoff is.

    “I don’t think there’s a day that goes by that somebody doesn’t walk through the door and says, ‘I’ve been coming in here since I was three years old,’” says Marty Ronzio. “There are people who come in who you’ve known for twenty or thirty years. You end up going to funerals.”

    Says his son, “You can’t walk through the dining room without recognizing at least one table.”

    We welcome tips and feedback. Email the author at [email protected]

  • Sued for Discrimination, Missouri Senator Pushes Law Limiting Discrimination Suits

    Sued for Discrimination, Missouri Senator Pushes Law Limiting Discrimination Suits

    FLICKR/ ROBERTSTINNETT — The Missouri Legislature is charging forward with a bill to gut the state’s discrimination laws.

    Gary Romine

    In March 2015, a man who used to work at Show-Me Rent to Own in Sikeston, Missouri, filed a lawsuit alleging that his supervisor regularly used racial slurs against him, telling him, among other things, to “quit acting like a n*gger” — and that a map on the wall of the store circled a majority black neighborhood with the words “do not rent” written next to it.

    The owner of the business is state Senator Gary Romine (R-Farmington), and in response to the suit, his lawyers acknowledged that, yes, a map in the back of the store had those very words written upon it. Everything else, he pretty much denied.

    In any other state, that kind of admission might be a scandal — or at least grounds for future questioning. “Hey, Senator Romine! Who was redlined by that ‘do not rent to’ directive? And did any employees tell you about the allegations against your supervisor? If so, did you take any action?”

    But hey, this is Missouri. And instead of Romine’s business practices forcing him into the hot seat, he’s instead using them as the basis of a folksy anecdote about “frivolous litigation” to advance legislation that would gut workplace protection against racial discrimination in Missouri — legislation that’s now on the fast track. It could get a full House vote as early as Thursday, and head the governor’s desk after that.

    And that’s even though Romine’s bill , which has already passed the state Senate, is a toxic stew: a mess of bad provisions that manages to exempt state employees from whistleblower protections, gut workers’ ability to allege racial discrimination, and protect Romine’s own interests, all in one package. Yet onward it sails. When the president of the NAACP spoke against it in the House, the committee chair cut off his mic .

    All this even though Democrats have straight-up accused Romine of self-dealing. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch , to its credit, first connected the dots on Romine’s conflict of interest earlier this year . At a house committee hearing Tuesday, a ccording to a detailed account on MissouriNet , state Representative Mark Ellebracht (D-Liberty) basically begged members to stop Romine.

    “To have a senator introduce a bill that is so evidently self-serving is offensive, and it tarnishes our honor by participating and allowing him to advance this legislation,” he pleaded. “I encourage the body to vote no for our own honor sake, and for the oath that we took.” But even though two brave Republicans crossed party lines to vote against the bill, it wasn’t enough — the bill won committee passage and quickly was scheduled for a Rules Committee hearing last night. That’s likely the final step before a vote on the floor.

    Says state Representative Steve Roberts (D-St. Louis), “I honestly don’t understand how this hasn’t gotten more media attention.” He notes that when he questioned Romine about being sued for discrimination, the senator had a telling answer: “Which time?”

    “It’s so bold to have a senator who’s been sued for this, multiple times, leading the charge,” Roberts says. “It is clearly self-dealing.”

    As approved by the Senate, SB 43 would gut the state’s Human Rights Acts (which is already fairly limited — among other things, sexual orientation is not covered ). But under these new provisions, instead of showing only that race or gender are “a contributing factor” to discrimination, Missouri residents would have to show that it was ” the motivating factor” (emphasis added).

    So let’s say someone works for … just to come up with a totally random example … Gary Romine’s rent to own business. And let’s say they were subjected to the barrage of invective described in the lawsuit against Show-Me Rent to Own, which includes phrases like “black people are the worst to work with,” “black people are the worst to rent to,” “as long as I am manager, there will never be two black people working here again,” and, of course, the n-word. (Romine, for the record, didn’t respond to either a phone message or email seeking comment yesterday.)

    Then let’s say the employee was fired. Under the new law, it wouldn’t be enough to show that race was one of the reasons he faced termination. His lawyers would have to show it’s the single biggest reason — an incredibly difficult standard.

    That’s not all. The new law codifies the protections enjoyed by whistleblowers in Missouri — but expressly carves out exemptions for those who work for, yep, the state of Missouri, including its university system. Remember those shocking details about the treatment of employees at the Department of Corrections — treatment that’s cost taxpayers millions ? Under SB 43, Roberts says, the whistleblowers who helped bring that situation to light would have zero protection.

    “These are the very agencies who should set the standard of how we conduct ourselves,” Roberts says. “It is absurd that they will no longer be held accountable for this type of bad behavior under state law.”

    Adding insult to injury, for those few people who would be able to bring a case under the tougher standard, SB 43 ensures there will be little reward in the end. The new law would limit damages to back pay, plus a relatively small penalty — just $50,000 for small companies, sliding upward to $500,000 for very largest corporations. That’s pocket change for Wal-Mart, but even the most egregious conduct would be capped there.

    Those advocating for the new law say they want to scale back state law to federal standards, and to correct judicial overreach. But if this was really such a huge problem, wouldn’t you think they could find someone else to sponsor this bill other than a guy up to his eyeballs in potential liability?

    Really, the idea of noble rent-to-own businesses being strangled by frivolous litigation may ring true to someone out there. But what sounds a lot more likely to me is that some business owners would rather find a way to change the laws than to clean up their act, that the state would rather exempt its whistleblower employees from protection than fix a mess costing taxpayers millions, and that in general in America these days, the little guy is getting screwed while the politically connected write laws that protect themselves and their friends.

    And if someone else can get Senator Romine to call them back, hey, how about we ask him about redlining?

    Sarah Fenske is the editor of the Riverfront Times. Follow her on Twitter @sarahfenske or email her at [email protected]

  • Is Ferguson’s Consent Decree Safe Under Jeff Sessions?

    Is Ferguson’s Consent Decree Safe Under Jeff Sessions?

    Photo via Department of Justice/Twitter — Attorney General Jeff Sessions speaks to law enforcement on March 31 in St. Louis

    The same day Attorney General Jeff Sessions was in St. Louis not talking about the Ferguson consent decree , he quietly sent a memo to U.S. Attorneys across the country that critics fear will undo that agreement and others aimed at reforming abusive police departments.

    The March 31 memo, obtained by the Washington Post , revealed plans to “immediately review” the pacts to make sure they fit with the Justice Department’s new guiding principles — which include goals to promote “officer morale, and public respect for their work.”

    In St. Louis, Sessions made it clear he thinks that cops have gotten a bad rap lately and that reports of abuse are grossly overblown.

    “Unfortunately, in recent years, law enforcement as a whole has been unfairly maligned and blamed for the crimes and unacceptable deeds of a few bad actors,” Sessions told an audience of metro area officers inside the Thomas F. Eagleton U.S. Courthouse downtown. “Amid this intense public scrutiny and criticism, morale has gone down, while the number of police officers killed in the line of duty has gone up.”

    The “few bad actors” assessment clashes with the findings of Sessions’ Justice Department predecessors, who spent months documenting “a pattern or practice” of unconstitutional police conduct in Ferguson. The widespread problems included illicit car stops, arrests without probable cause and the use of excessive force, according to the findings.

    The Justice Department began investigating the north county department after Michael Brown was killed in 2014 by Ferguson police Office Darren Wilson, sparking massive protests. Federal investigators eventually declined to file charges against Wilson, but they found major problems within the department that had hired him.

    The investigation led to a 133-page consent decree that calls for a long list of reforms, including better training for officers, civilian oversight and changes designed to keep police and the courts from fining residents as a way to raise money.

    Ferguson Police Chief Delrish Moss attended Sessions’ speech in St. Louis and told reporters afterward that the city had been working with the Justice Department on a weekly basis.

    “That work hasn’t stopped,” Moss said last week.

    But supporters of police reform worry that Sessions, a Trump loyalist, is trying to undermine any progress made.

    “Attorney General Jeff Sessions threatens to destroy the reform efforts championed by his predecessor and create an environment in which police and courts can once again act with impunity towards low income communities of color,” AchCity Defenders, a nonprofit law firm that has fought police abuse, said in a statement the day of Sessions speech .

    What happens next in Ferguson, where voters could choose a new mayor today, remains to be seen. Mayor James Knowles is facing a challenge from Councilwoman Ella Jones, who would be the city’s first black mayor if elected.

    The city fought some of the reforms proposed by the Justice Department, and it is impossible to say whether its leaders have the political will to implement previously agreed-upon changes if the Justice Department under Sessions loses interest.

    Yet the answer to that question may be beyond the control of city leaders and even Sessions. The consent decrees, including the one in Ferguson, are settlements to lawsuits that the Justice Department brought against police departments and city governments. Ferguson’s agreement has already been signed by a federal judge and requires regular reports and a monitor. Any change would presumably need to be approved by the court.

    Sessions’ memo could have a larger impact on cities where the agreements have not been finalized. On Monday, the Justice Department asked a federal judge in Baltimore to delay a hearing on a consent decree in that city so they could see if it’s in keeping with their new boss’ policies — this despite the fact that Baltimore’s police commissioner and mayor have said they think the reforms are a good idea and they want to move forward .

    Similarly, Chicago’s mayor and police superintendent issued a joint statement vowing to continue reforms previously outlined with the Justice Department.

  • Infamous St. Louis Con Man Sentenced to Federal Prison

    Infamous St. Louis Con Man Sentenced to Federal Prison

    Image via Youtube.com

    Malcolm Couch talks to KMOV in 2014.

    A notorious St. Louis con artist is heading to federal prison.

    Malcolm Couch, dogged for years by reporters and victims alike, was sentenced to two years and ten months for identity theft.

    The 62-year-old ex-con pleaded guilty in November to collecting bogus disability payments, but he’s better known for long-running accusations of real estate schemes.

    Former KMOV investigative ace Craig Cheatham tracked Couch for nearly a decade through a maze of allegations and court cases, finding numerous people along the way who claimed Couch had fleeced them out of thousands of dollars for apartments that never came through and services never performed.

    Couch denied cheating his accusers and brazenly dropped by KMOV for a memorable sit-down with Cheatham in 2014.

    “I don’t have a damn thing to hide,” he insisted.

    But federal prosecutors say he was even then in the midst of a three-year scam. Couch had been collecting disability benefits, claiming he couldn’t work and didn’t have a bank account or any assets. That clashed with his 2013 bankruptcy filing, in which he claimed $1.7 million in assets. He’d also been wheeling and dealing in the real estate world, despite filing disability paper work claiming he hadn’t been able to work since 2001, authorities say.

    The extent of his schemes and lies can be hard to follow. Even his name is a point of contention.

    Cheatham referred to him as Malcolm Aldrich and described the Couch surname as an alias. The feds list it as the other way around in the identity theft case, but he’s been known both ways (along with other aliases) during the past three decades.

    He was listed as Aldrich in the 1980s when he was sentenced to ten years in state prison for theft and has been sued under both names.

    Whatever he’s called, federal authorities say he’ll spend the next 34 months in prison. He’s also been ordered to repay $26,000 in ill-gotten benefits.

    We welcome tips and feedback. Email the author at [email protected] or follow on Twitter at @DoyleMurphy.

  • Attempted Break in at St. Louis Mayor’s Home Thursday

    Attempted Break in at St. Louis Mayor’s Home Thursday

    There was an attempted break in at Mayor Tishaura Jones home on Thursday.

    At 3:30 a.m. Thursday morning, an individual attempted to break a window at Mayor Tishaura Jones’ residence. The person was able to break the screen. Mayor Jones notified public safety officials and North Patrol District responded to the call.

    St. Louis Metropolitan Police District discovered that the individual made a similar attempt at another house in the neighborhood, and according to a statement, the Mayor’s office does not believe that the break-in was targeted.

    We will update this story as more information becomes available.

  • 10 Terrific Bloody Marys in St. Louis

    10 Terrific Bloody Marys in St. Louis

    Boundary | Jonathan Pollack

    Bloody mary connoisseurs know that the best ingredient in a perfect version of the drink is you. Fresh ingredients and top quality spirits are also key, but it’s putting them all together that is the true art. Then the recipe is limited only by the imagination.

    These ten brunch destinations have pulled out all the stops to concoct masterful must-try bloody marys in St. Louis. Note: We didn’t include bars that aren’t open in the morning, including Famous Bar; this list is exclusively focused on helping you find that hair of the dog you need to start your day.

    Boundary
    7036 Clayton Avenue, Hi-Pointe
    At Boundary, house-made is the secret to this Bloody Mary haven. All infused vodkas, mixes, pickles and flavored salts are house-made with seasonal, local ingredients. The cocktail starts with a vodka of choice — either original or flavored with garlic, sundried tomatoes, cucumber or chili — and a flavored salt rim (choices include kosher, sriracha, chipotle, lime or Worcestershire). From there, guests can build the bloody mary of their dreams with mixes such as beef broth, shellfish broth and green tomato juice and condiments such as artisanal cheeses, hot sauces, stuffed olives, celery, house-made pickles, mild or habanero barbecue sausage, soused shrimp, regular or candied bacon, caper berries and horseradish.

     

    10 Terrific Bloody Marys in St. Louis (2)

    photo courtesy of Cafe Osage

    Café Osage
    4605 Olive Street, Central West End
    At Café Osage, the bloody mary is a perfect showcase for house-made seasonal pickles from vegetables grown on the premises at Bowood Farms and herbs from the rooftop garden. A house-made dry mix is composed of eight different spices; all of it comes together with Pickney Bend Vodka, made locally in New Haven, Missouri.

     

    10 Terrific Bloody Marys in St. Louis (3)

    photo courtesy of Brasserie by Niche

    Brasserie by Niche
    4580 Laclede Avenue, Central West End
    At Brasserie, bar manager Jeffrey Ward has riffed on a recipe from chef Gerard Craft. Extra spices come from freshly ground celery seed and black pepper crushed in a mortar and pestle. Lemon, lime and pickle juices add another layer of zest, which is then balanced with fresh cucumbers and brined cornichons.

     

    10 Terrific Bloody Marys in St. Louis (4)

    photo courtesy of Byrd and Barrel

    Byrd and Barrel
    3422 South Jefferson Avenue, Cherokee District
    The quirky fried chicken hotspot Byrd and Barrel serves up a fittingly distinctive bloody mary: It’s rimmed with crushed Red Hot Riplets and hot sauce and topped with a fried chicken slider.

     

    10 Terrific Bloody Marys in St. Louis (5)

    Herbies | Gregg Goldman

    Herbie’s
    8100 Maryland Avenue, Clayton
    Herbie’s new incarnation, which relocated from the Central West End last year, still includes brunch. Lucky us. The restaurant offers a classic unlimited bloody mary bar every Saturday and Sunday for only $16, with Sobieski vodka or a house-made pepper-infused vodka and all the fixings, such as house-made bloody mary mix or tomato juice, house-made pickled vegetables and an assortment of hot sauces, Worcestershire, horseradish and more.

    Turn the page for five more great selections.

  • Toni Stevenson Killing Has Police Pleading ‘We Don’t Need Retaliation’

    Toni Stevenson Killing Has Police Pleading ‘We Don’t Need Retaliation’

    Image via St. Louis Public Schools

    Toni Stevenson, 15, was shot dead after a basketball game on Tuesday, St. Louis police say.

    St. Louis police are pleading for information as they try to solve the murder of a fifteen-year-old girl — and head off another potential round of violence.

    “We don’t need another loss of life,” police Captain Mary Warnecke said at a news conference today. “We don’t need retaliation. We need somebody to come forward to give us the information we need so we can put a stop to this.”

    Toni Stevenson, a sophomore at Northwest Academy of Law, had just driven home from a school basketball game on Tuesday evening when two gunmen opened fire on her with assault rifles, police say.

    Officers responding to reports of shots fired found the teen’s lifeless body still in the driver’s seat, parked along the 6000 block of Thekla Avenue in the Walnut Park West neighborhood. The shooting happened shortly before 7 p.m.

    Warnecke confirmed that police are looking at surveillance video from the block, but they haven’t released the footage or described what may have been recorded.

    Stevenson was definitely the intended target, Warnecke said without giving more details. The police captain dismissed reports that the teen had been a witness in a previous shooting.

    Police have only the vaguest of descriptions for the suspects, but Warnecke says people know information that could be vital to their investigation. She worries they will seek revenge instead of coming forward.

    “We have the fear that there will be retaliation, that someone will try to take matters into their own hand,” Warnecke said, adding, “They need to let us do our job.”

    Police ask anyone with information to call St. Louis Regional CrimeStoppers at 866-371-TIPS.

    We welcome tips and feedback. Email the author at [email protected] or follow on Twitter at @DoyleMurphy.

  • St. Louis Cop Searched Woman’s Vagina for Drugs in Public — and Found None, Suit Alleges

    St. Louis Cop Searched Woman’s Vagina for Drugs in Public — and Found None, Suit Alleges

    Photo by Harlan McCarthy

    A female officer with the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department allegedly probed the inside of a black waitress’ vagina while a male officer watched — leading to discipline for the female officer and, now, a lawsuit in federal court.

    The lawsuit, filed in November by attorney Jeremy Hollingshead, alleges that detective Angela Hawkins handcuffed 24-year-old Kayla Robinson after she was a passenger in a car during a routine traffic stop in 2012. Hawkins allegedly pushed the young woman up against a tractor-trailer and demanded to know where “the dope and the guns” were, according to the suit.

    But the cavity search turned up no drugs. And Hawkins was later disciplined for her actions, the suit says.

    The litigation stems from the night of October 19, 2012, when Robinson was riding with two other people in north St. Louis following a Cardinals game. Hawkins and her partner spotted the car making a U-turn on Goodfellow Boulevard around 10:45 p.m. Theorizing that the driver was trying to avoid a police checkpoint down the road, they pulled the car over near the 3400 block of Goodfellow.

    During a search of the car’s occupants, Hawkins would later allege in an incident report that she caught Robinson trying to hide a bag of weed inside her underwear — and trying to conceal a crack rock beneath her left foot.

    But while the lawsuit concedes that Robinson relinquished a small baggie of weed to Hawkins, Robinson denies possessing crack. The suit alleges that Hawkins accused her of slipping something else inside her pants — and marched her, handcuffed, approximately 200 feet to a nearby tractor trailer parking lot.

    Robinson pleaded to be searched in a police station, but the detective insisted that the search take place right there. Hawkins put in a radio call, requesting a a pair of rubber gloves.

    Soon after, a male officer in a patrol car arrived with the gloves.

    From the lawsuit:

    Defendant Hawkins put the gloves on, turned Plaintiff around so as to face the male officer, and began unbuttoning Plaintiff’s pants. At this time, Plaintiff was crying hysterically and begging Defendant Hawkins to take her to jail and search her there. … Defendant Hawkins instead forced Plaintiff to bend over and placed her fingers inside Plaintiff’s vagina. … After finding no drugs on Plaintiff during the course of this unreasonable and unlawful search, Defendant Hawkins fastened Plaintiff’s pants and slammed her with excessive force into the parked trailer.

    Robinson was arrested on suspicion of two counts of drug possession, but criminal charges were never formally filed by the city’s Circuit Attorney.

    Instead, Robinson filed a complaint with the department’s internal affairs division. Nine months later, the department responded with a letter addressed to Robinson’s home in Overland; however, in the lawsuit Robinson says that the letter never arrived.

    In 2015, Robinson called the internal affairs division to inquire about her three-year-old complaint. Finally, she received a letter back. It stated,

    You allege that during a traffic stop, Detective Angela Hawkins conducted a search of your person and pulled your pants and underwear down. During the search, Detective Hawkins touched your genitals with her hand. In addition, you allege Detective Hawkins forcefully pushed you against a semitrailer, causing injury to your arm.

    Robinson’s complaint, the letter continued, had been “sustained.” Hawkins would be “disciplined.” What form that discipline took was not explained.

    Hollingshead says that Hawkins’ behavior was par for the course.

    “This is indicative of the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department,” he says. “They do it every single day. They target African Americans, oftentimes from northern areas of the city, and they try to shake them down. They make false allegations, threats against them, and their hope is that somebody is going to be weak enough to roll over and provide information to them.”

    In response to questions about the lawsuit and internal affairs investigation, an SLMPD spokeswoman told Riverfront Time s Tuesday that the department does not comment on ongoing litigation and that Hawkins’ disciplinary records are closed to the public.

    Along with Hawkins, the lawsuit also names St. Louis Police Chief Sam Dotson, the city of St. Louis and two other SLMPD officers who were involved in the traffic stop and subsequent investigation.

    Hollingshead says his client hopes a sizable verdict will finally convince the city to crack down of its officers’ abusive tendencies.

    “This is one of the most corrupt police departments in the country. They just don’t learn,” he says. “I know Kayla’s hope is that is that a jury finally hits the city with a big enough number so the city says ‘OK, fine. We’re going to stop doing this.’”

    In a statement provided by her lawyer, Robinson writes that she harbors no hatred towards police. In 2012, she had been studying for a degree in criminal justice, planning to become a police officer herself.

    Those plans have changed.

    “Because of my treatment by the police, I immediately realized that I could not work for a team that treats people differently because of their race,” Robinson writes, noting that she has since decided to pursue a career in teaching. “It break my heart that, since my police encounter, my own five-year-old daughter has told me that she only sees police as taking people to jail, not her friend.”

    Follow Danny Wicentowski on Twitter at @D_ Towski . E-mail the author at [email protected]

  • The Final Flight of Martin McNally

    The Final Flight of Martin McNally

    Finally alone after eleven hours of feverish demands, threats and hostage exchanges, the hijacker pulled off his shaggy brown wig and began to disrobe. He shrugged out of a burgundy sport coat, white dress shirt and yellow trousers — it was, after all, 1972 — revealing a second outfit: a set of dark-colored slacks and a collared blue t-shirt. Upon surveying the rows of empty seats running the length of the Boeing 727, he checked his wristwatch. Only a few hours remained until sunrise.

    It was after 3 a.m. on June 24, and the purloined aircraft was hurtling through a cloudy night sky, heading for the Canadian border.

    The hijacker, Martin McNally, was 28 years old, but with his boyish face and near-smirk, could pass for a teenager. He scooped up the discarded clothing and walked to the very rear of the plane, arriving at the open hatch and extended stairwell. He stared into the murky darkness below.

    There was still time to call it off, McNally thought. He could turn around, walk back to the cockpit and hand his rifle to the pilot. He could return the bag stuffed with $500,000 cash and then, somehow, talk his way out of the mess he’d left back in St. Louis. He could tell the FBI agents that there was never any bomb on the plane, that it was all joke.

    McNally tossed the wig through the hatch, followed by the clothing, several smoke bombs and the rifle with its two loaded cartridges. The items whipped into the air and disappeared. This was no time for second thoughts.

    Aside from a single hostage, McNally was now the only non-crew member left on the flight. Hours before, on the tarmac at Lambert International Airport, he’d negotiated to release more than 90 passengers in exchange for a fresh crew to fly him to Toronto — a city McNally had no intention of visiting. Soon after takeoff, he’d ordered the sole remaining American Airlines stewardess (through whom he had relayed all of his demands) to join the hostage and flight crew in the cockpit.

    Now, McNally’s only companion was the thrilling weight of a cash-heavy mailbag tied to his left belt loop.

    After strapping on a pair of flight goggles, McNally donned a reserve parachute, tightening the straps around his legs and chest, just as he’d been instructed by an FBI agent during an on-the-spot lesson earlier that evening. McNally had never touched a parachute before. This would be his first jump.

    Slipping a handgun into his pocket, he descended the stairs haltingly, on his butt, scooting down step-by-step into the roar of the wind. He turned onto his stomach, catching one last look at the rear hatch leading into the passenger cabin; he imagined how easy it would be for someone on the plane to walk back here and shoot him in the head.

    McNally’s hands were the only things keeping him connected to the plane. His body, suspended from the stairwell at 300 miles per hour, felt like a daisy caught in a hurricane.

    In the cockpit, the remaining crew felt their ears pop as the cabin pressure fluctuated.

    One thousand feet above the Boeing 727, from the vantage point of a military surveillance plane, an FBI agent observed a small, dark object falling rapidly from the rear hatch.

    McNally dropped like a bullet, feet-first, and the first thing he perceived was the wind punching his flight goggles into his eye sockets. In seconds, the goggles were violently ripped from his head. McNally threw out his arms, bringing his body parallel to the ground as he began counting down from twenty in his mind. Basing his calculations on the formula for terminal velocity — which he’d learned in a library physics textbook — McNally figured that this would be enough time to slow his fall to a safe speed. If he pulled the chute too early, he knew, the air would shred the canopy like tissue paper.

    The time came to test his math. McNally fumbled for the ripcord with his right hand, but he made the mistake of leaving his left arm outstretched. Instead of producing the serene, deliberate movements of an experienced skydiver, the wind took hold of his arm and slammed the hijacker into a furious spin.

    In the midst of the chaos, the parachute exploded out of the chest harness and ejected its spring-loaded contents directly into McNally’s face. Blinded and hurting, he managed to grab hold of the shroud lines above him. He tugged hard, and was rewarded with resistance as the canopy filled with air.

    McNally was going to live after all. His hand strayed down to his left thigh, hoping to be reassured by its half-million dollars.

    He could only look down in horror. The mailbag was twenty feet below him, and getting smaller and smaller by the second. As if in a dream, McNally watched the fortune tumble in slow-motion, end-over-end, until it slipped below the clouds and vanished.

    The hijacker considered his options.

    Forty-four years later, on a sweltering afternoon in August 2016, Martin McNally enters the Thomas Eagleton U.S. Courthouse in downtown St. Louis. He rides an elevator to the second floor and checks in at the front desk of the federal probation office.

    Clean-shaven, his white hair combed and slicked back from his forehead, the 72-year-old ex-con is anticipating good things from a scheduled meeting with a federal parole supervisor. Five years out of prison, McNally is now permitted to apply for release from his permanent parole, a status that saddles him with travel restrictions and random checkups. The meeting could set the wheels of true freedom in motion.

    By the time McNally had been released from a California prison in 2010, he had already spent more than half his life behind bars. He then settled into an apartment in south St. Louis, where he subsisted on disability benefits linked to an old Navy injury.

    McNally’s first decade as inmate had been marked by violence and multiple failed escapes. He was involved in numerous scraps with prisoners, and, although never convicted, he was twice brought up on charges for assaulting guards in the U.S. Penitentiary in Leavenworth, Kansas. In one instance, he was accused of wielding two sharpened pencils as shanks.

    “My first ten years, those were turbulent, no question,” McNally says, making conversation in the parole office waiting room. “The guards at the U.S. Penitentiary in Leavenworth were brutal. They beat up and assaulted prisoners; they killed prisoners. So yes, there were assaults on guards, there were indictments.”

    By the early 1980s, the inmate had calmed down a good deal. McNally dedicated much of the next three decades to appealing his conviction for air piracy. He became a proficient jailhouse lawyer, ran for president and accrued more than $10,000 by illicitly trading Wall Street stocks.

    At the courthouse, McNally waits an hour before he and his local parole officer are beckoned into the conference room to meet the supervisor.

    The meeting lasts under 30 minutes, and it doesn’t look good. During the meeting, the local officer testifies that it would be best to keep the septuagenarian hijacker on parole indefinitely.

    On the drive back to his apartment, McNally unleashes a stream of curses, mostly directed at the parole officer.

    “I would recommend retaining him on parole,” McNally quotes, sneering his impression of the testimony, “because of the nature of this crime.”

    Fuming, he says, “Yeah, no question, I’ll be on parole until I’m dead.”

     

    A FBI photo of Martin McNally in 1972. - NATIONAL ARCHIVES AT KANSAS CITY

    NATIONAL ARCHIVES AT KANSAS CITY

    A FBI photo of Martin McNally in 1972.

    Beginning in the mid-1960s, the“Golden Age” of airline hijacking was an era when any passenger could walk through an airport terminal unmolested, breeze onto the tarmac and board a plane — all that with their shoes on, no less. In some cases, you could even pay for your ticket on board.

    This casual freedom — a relic of a more civilized time — persisted in the face of an unprecedented wave of hijackings. Early interventions proved laughably inadequate, flabbergasting airline companies. Ticket agents were instructed to subjectively screen passengers based on a cooked-up checklist of psychological and physical traits believed to be particular to hijackers, and although sky marshals were deployed in 1970, their limited ranks couldn’t hope to make a dent in the vast number of flights taking off each day in American airports.

    The virtually non-existent security led to a frenzy of hijackings. According to Brendan Koerner’s 2013 book chronicling the period, The Skies Belong to Us, more than 130 hijackings were committed in American skies between 1968 and 1972.

    Many of the culprits were straight nutjobs, driven by religious or political yearnings that required (for some reason or another) immediate passage to Cuba. But even as the capers escalated in audacity and potential violence, airlines companies balked at beefing up their own security. Instead, they sought to avoid the possibility of violence at all cost. Crews were instructed to comply with hijackers’ demands rather than risk an altercation. Pilots on domestic flights were provided with charts outlining passage to Havana, just in case.

    But there was a second, altogether different species of hijacker: not a nutjob, but rather a certain kind of foolhardy opportunist. In other words, a common crook.

    Driving through Detroit in January 1972, Martin McNally listened with growing interest to a radio news report of a two-month-old hijacking in the Pacific Northwest. Shortly before Thanksgiving, an unidentified man had commandeered a Boeing 727 after taking off from Portland International Airport.

    According to the report, the hijacker had ordered the plane to land and subsequently demanded a parachute and $200,000. Upon receipt, the hostages were released, but the hijacker kept the crew and ordered the plane to take off once again. Forty-five minutes into flight, the man jumped from the lowered stairwell at the rear of plane. Both hijacker and cash had seemingly disappeared without a trace.

    In the coming months, McNally would spend hours poring through library books on parachutes and skydiving. An idea took root in his mind. The hijacker on the radio — soon mythologized as “D.B. Cooper” — had demonstrated an effective strategy for air piracy, and it seemed a much easier task than knocking over an armored truck or a bank.

    McNally was a product of a large family, and had lived most of his life in his hometown of Wyandotte, a suburb in the southern shadow of Detroit. McNally’s father, a shoe store owner and respected figure about town, had put eight children through Catholic school. But young Marty McNally spurned his studies. Instead of completing eleventh grade, he enlisted in the Navy, where he labored as an airplane electrician. It was no harbinger of destiny: His flight time was restricted to servicing the cramped patrol craft sweeping for Soviet submarines off the coast of Alaska.

    Given a general discharge from the Navy in 1964, McNally had no interest in joining his father at the family shoe store. He wound up scrambling through a series of odd jobs and minor scams, including a plan to embezzle gas sales from a service station and a short-lived counterfeiting operation, which ended when he was busted feeding fake quarters to a laundromat change-machine. By 1972, he was exhausted with the paltry returns on minor scams.

    One big score, that’s what he needed. All he required was a weapon, some phony documents and a passable disguise. D.B. Cooper had shown him the rest.

    Getting the gun was easy. A local pool hall hustler, Walter Petlikowski, provided a .45 rifle, and McNally cut ten inches off the barrel. The weapon fit comfortably inside a black attaché case with a wig and smoke bombs. Petlikowski, in turn, signed on as an accomplice in exchange for $50,000.

    In the fall and winter of 1972, McNally charted a tour of Midwest cities, hitting Indianapolis, Chicago, St. Louis and Kansas City. He settled on St. Louis’ Lambert Airport — it had the worst security, McNally says — and made two more trips to the airport with Petlikowski to prepare for the one-way flight.

    On the morning of June 23, a Friday, Petlikowski dropped McNally at the main terminal. Petlikowski had changed his mind about participating in the hijacking directly, but he’d still agreed to act as chauffeur for half his original fee. McNally, briefcase in hand, bid his accomplice farewell and boarded Flight 119 destined for Tulsa, Oklahoma.

    McNally encountered no metal detectors on his way to the flight. His ticket, purchased with forged Navy discharge papers, identified him as “Robert Wilson.”

    Less than 30 minutes before landing in Tulsa, McNally excused himself from his seat three rows from the rear of the plane and walked to the lavatory. When he emerged, he was wearing a shaggy brown wig and sunglasses and wielding a rifle. He handed a note to a startled stewardess.

    A few minutes later, the captain’s voice came over the intercom:

    “Ladies and gentleman. We have a passenger who needs to return to St. Louis.”

    McNally followed D.B. Cooper’s example to the letter, though he added a key embellishment: McNally demanded more than twice Cooper’s ransom, asking for $500,000. He also requested another $2,000 in small bills, most of which he gifted to the stewardesses as a tip for their compliance.

    Around 4 p.m., Flight 119 returned to St. Louis and came to a stop on a runway on the far edge of the airfield. McNally made his demands known. He claimed to control the detonator to a bomb somewhere on the plane, and that any attempts at resistance would be met with gunfire.

    Over the next hour, a flurry of negotiations and counter-negotiations played out between the hijacker — who relayed all messages to the cockpit via stewardesses — and FBI agents on the scene. Eventually, McNally permitted 80 hostages to leave the plane by way of the plane’s inflatable emergency slide.

    But raising a half-million dollars on a Friday evening was no easy task. It could take hours. So, after refueling, McNally directed Flight 119’s crew and the fourteen remaining hostages to ready themselves for takeoff. Back in the air, the plane traced circles above St. Louis. At one point, McNally allowed the pilot to redirect the plane to Fort Worth, Texas, based on reports that the money could be collected there much faster. That report turned out to be premature, and the plane instead turned back to St. Louis, where bank and airline officials were still scrambling to put together the ransom.

    It was after 9 p.m. when their efforts succeeded. Flight 119 made its second landing on a Lambert runway. Now, McNally relayed three additional demands: He needed a shovel, flight goggles, five parachutes and two harnesses.

    The money was delivered in two packages: a heavy airmail bag and a small wrapped parcel. However, despite his preparations, McNally struggled to figure out how to buckle the parachute harness. So he added an additional request: for someone to show him how to put the thing on.

    When the “instructor” (actually an undercover FBI agent) came aboard, McNally watched from a distance of several feet, rifle at the ready in case of ambush. The instructor/FBI agent made no move to disarm McNally, and after his quick lesson, left the aircraft unharmed.

    It was just after midnight, and the plan seemed to be chugging along perfectly. McNally released thirteen more hostages, leaving under his control one hostage, two stewardesses and the flight crew.

    TV and radio stations were already broadcasting the unfolding drama across the country. From behind the rectangular glass facade of the main Lambert terminal, throngs of passengers watched as a tanker truck refueled Flight 119, readying the plane for its fourth St. Louis takeoff in the past eight hours.

    But nothing could have prepared McNally for the interference of a young Florissant businessman, David Hanley, who was among the bystanders ogling the drama from the terminal.

    Hanley did not remain a bystander for long. As the jet taxied down the runway, its massive engines revving in preparation for takeoff, Hanley’s 1971 Cadillac Eldorado crashed through the runway’s perimeter, battering through a fence at 80 miles per hour on a collision course with Flight 119.

    The plane, heavy with fuel, was essentially a bomb with wings. Over the intercom, the captain’s voice crackled with panic. “Oh my god, there’s a vehicle on the runway!”

    Hanley steered the Cadillac into the nose of the plane. Inside, the impact knocked McNally forward in his seat, and the heavy vehicle careened through the nosewheel, coming to a smoldering halt against the landing gear beneath the portside wing. The damage was superficial — the jet fuel did not ignite — but the plane was crippled.

    (Interviewed by the Associated Press one year later, Hanley claimed that the crash had wiped all memory of that night, and that he was as mystified by his actions as everybody else: “My mind is a blank from 6 o’clock that night to two weeks later.” As for “reports” that he’d left a cocktail lounge near the airport, telling friends he “would shock the world,” Hanley denied it. “If I was there then any friends who were with me were a bunch of slucks,” he told the AP. “No one has come to me and said, ‘David, I was with you that night and this is what you said.’”)

    An ambulance arrived to take Hanley to a hospital. He’d suffered two broken jaws, broken ribs, a fractured skull and a crushed left arm and ankle — but the only damage McNally cared about had been inflicted on his getaway ride. The aircraft was useless now. McNally relayed an urgent message to the cockpit: “Get me another plane.”

    It took 90 minutes to bring a second Boeing 727 alongside the disabled airliner. Fearful of FBI snipers, McNally pressed himself between two stewardesses and covered his head with his briefcase until he safely entered the new plane’s lowered rear stairs.

    The second plane was fueled and ready for takeoff. Along with his civilian hostage, McNally presided over the jet’s three-man replacement crew as well as the one remaining stewardesses he’d kept from Flight 119. There was no need for more leverage than that. McNally ordered the plane to leave St. Louis and set a course to Toronto.

    Tracing a straight line, the flight path would take the plane over the vicinity of Detroit. In the preceding months, McNally had tried to work out the precise timing of his jump based on the plane’s airspeed, but he now worried that the delays had disrupted his calculations. He had originally planned to make his jump shortly after midnight. It was now nearly 4 a.m.

    Still, it was time to leave. He stripped off his disguise and buckled the parachute’s harness around his arms and legs.

    McNally didn’t know where he was. From 10,000 feet, the undisturbed whiteness of the clouds below had obliterated any landmark or geographic feature. He wondered if the pilot had betrayed him, and whether he was seeing not clouds but the deep waters of Lake Michigan.

    In reality, McNally chose to make his jump too early. The plane was passing above central Indiana, about 150 miles southwest of Detroit.

    Having already hijacked two planes that day, getting to the ground should have been the easy part of McNally’s plan. He intended to bury the money immediately, leave the area and lay low for a few weeks or months. Then he would return with a shovel.

    McNally dropped from the rear stairwell. Without firing a shot, he’d just made more money than he’d ever earn in a lifetime of shoe sales or petty crime.

    But riches were not in McNally’s future. Gravity saw to that.

     

    The Final Flight of Martin McNally

    NATIONAL ARCHIVES AT KANSAS CITY

    McNally landed hard in a barren field, narrowly missing a grove of trees. He had made a mistake, panicked on approach, thrusting his heels into the soil and causing his body to whip backwards into the ground. His head bounced on the soil, leaving him concussed. His vision danced with stars that were not really there.

    The money was gone. It had disappeared, eaten by a blanket of clouds in a moment that imprinted itself in McNally’s mind like a nightmare. There was nothing he could do. He didn’t even know where he was; the lack of discernible landmarks on the ground made triangulation useless. Of the $502,000 he’d had in his hands, all he had now was $300 that he’d pocketed before the jump.

    McNally peeled himself off the ground. Around him, the sound of dogs barking echoed through the night. He gathered the parachute and clambered over a barbed wire fence surrounding a thicket of trees. Finding a suitably covered spot, he laid out the parachute and collapsed for two hours.

    At dawn, woozy and shivering, he dragged the chute deeper into the woods, where he covered the canvas with leaves and shrubs. He climbed into the parachute’s folds as if it was a cocoon and slept until noon.

    McNally awoke to helicopter blades thumping overhead. The search parties were already on the move, hoping to sniff out the skyjacker and the loot.

    He decided to wait for dusk before moving from the forest’s tall canopy. In the meantime, he napped, buried the parachute and cleaned his clothes and shoes as best he could.

    Again crossing the barbed-wire fence, McNally walked 500 feet before coming to a gravel two-lane road. In one direction, he perceived a white glow against on the horizon, possibly a city or town. He began trudging in that direction, the monotony broken only by a few cars with Indiana license plates passing by.

    An hour and a half later, one car stopped short about a quarter-mile down the road. In the driver’s seat was Richard Blair, the police chief of Peru, Indiana. Chief Blair had been driving back to Peru with his wife, and the sight of a lone pedestrian on the road so late at night tugged his interest.

    McNally introduced himself as Patrick McNally (his older brother’s name) and displayed a Michigan driver’s license (a forgery) that corroborated the ID. Though McNally’s two credit cards were issued to a “J. McNally,” he explained to the chief that he had borrowed the cards — with permission — from his brother.

    The chief asked McNally what he was doing out on a country road after 9 p.m.

    McNally claimed he had recently traveled to Peru from Detroit on a mission to retrieve his brother from a nearby farm. Alas, McNally continued, his brother had gotten drunk earlier that night and beaten the snot out of him, leaving McNally in this sorry state.

    McNally’s eyes and cheeks were heavily bruised, his chin was gashed open and he sported several cuts on his forehead. He really did look like he’d taken a beating. Chief Blair offered a lift to Peru, and McNally gladly took him up on it.

    Before climbing into the car, McNally quickly slid the handgun from his pocket and tossed it to the side of the road.

    (“He did not frisk me,” McNally would later recall. “If the chief had said anything about patting me down, I would have pulled out this pistol from my right pocket, cocked it and said, ‘You’ll search nothing.’ He and his wife would probably have been killed at that point.”)

    On the drive to town, Blair warned McNally that it was a bad time to be alone on the road, what with so much traffic speeding back and forth. Hadn’t he seen the news? Search parties were scouring the area for a hijacker and a bag of money. McNally answered vaguely in the affirmative, and thanked the chief for saving him the long walk and potential hassle. Blair dropped McNally off at the Peru Motor Lodge, across the street from police headquarters.

    It was late, and McNally hadn’t tasted food in more than 24 hours. He also hadn’t had a chance to look in a mirror. Sitting down for a burger in a nearby bar, he felt the eyes of the other patrons evaluating him from all angles. He wasn’t losing his mind to paranoia. In the bar’s bathroom, McNally stared in shock at his bruised and puffy reflection. No wonder he was getting weird looks.

    McNally returned to the motor lodge and bought a room for the night. The elderly desk clerk accepted his explanation about the mismatched driver’s license and credit cards, but she couldn’t help but notice the condition of his face.

    “You aren’t that skyjacker, are you?” she asked.

     

  • St. Louis Murder Toll Hit 188 in 2016 — Tying 2015’s Unusually High Number

    St. Louis Murder Toll Hit 188 in 2016 — Tying 2015’s Unusually High Number

    Photo via Doyle Murphy — St. Louis police investigated 188 murders in 2016.

    St. Louis city police investigated 188 killings in 2016 — the last one an apparent murder-suicide in Dutchtown on the afternoon of New Year’s Eve.

    That’s the same number as last year, when homicides spiked to a twenty-year high.

    “It certainly wasn’t a great year,” concedes police Chief Sam Dotson, “but we’re nowhere near the all-time highs we had.”

    ——————EndFragment—————— This is true. The annual death toll regularly topped 200 in the mid-1990s. In 1993, a staggering 267 people were murdered in the city. In comparison, Dotson points out, a yearly index of the most serious crimes has fallen to levels unseen since the early 1970s.

    A measure of what police call “person crimes” — a category that includes murder, assault, robbery and rape — used to affect more than 30 out 1,000 people in the 1990s. Now it’s about half that.

    “We are significantly safer than we were just 25 years ago,” Dotson says.

    But the killing during the past two years — 376 murders in a city of just 315,000 people — stands out, and likely remains among the nation’s highest per capita.

    A young mother, 21-year-old Brandi Hill, was driving with her child and a pregnant friend on May 22, when two men ambushed her on Washington Avenue. One of the men shot her in the head, shoved her body into the street and drove off with the baby in the backseat, police say.

    The men tossed the baby, still in a car seat and miraculously uninjured, onto the road a few miles away and dumped the car, authorities say. One of the men turned himself in, but the man believed to be the shooter was later killed in Illinois during a shootout with police.

    On September 12, a 54-year-old woman was walking at about 10:30 p.m. in the Central West End when she was shot dead. Monica Shaw was targeted at random by teens from O’Fallon, Missouri, according to police.

    On November 9, Maggie O’Brien’s co-owner Pat McVey was found slumped in his Ford Explorer on the shoulder of Interstate 55 near Loughborough Avenue. The beloved barman had been shot to death in the middle of the afternoon, and police have yet to find the killer despite a reward that’s now topped $90,000.

    When Chief Dotson spoke to the Riverfront Times recently about crime in the city, the murder total was 181. Another seven people were killed during the next nine days. Murder is one of the most difficult crimes for police to stop, the chief says. A bunch of burglaries? A string of robberies? Car break-ins on a neighborhood street? Police have multiple ways to intervene. Murder is harder.

    “I can’t be there when two people get into a fight over a girl and have guns and start shooting at each other,” Dotson says.

    The roots of murder are complicated and extend far beyond the police department to education, courts and societal problems, such as poverty and drug abuse, the chief says. The community is also “awash in guns” thanks in part to the state legislature’s penchant for weak laws, and critics are often satisfied to dismiss the problem of violence as a “city problem,” according to Dotson.

    “It’s almost a code for racism,” he says.

    The solutions will take years and political will that extends beyond an election cycle or two, Dotson says.

    Nine days after his remarks, at 1:35 p.m. on New Year’s Eve, his officers responded to a bungalow in the 4400 block of Spring Avenue. Inside, they found the bodies of two people. One was a killer who committed suicide, police say. The second was the victim, the 188th person murdered in St. Louis last year.

    Update 1:44 p.m.: St. Louis police have identified the suspect and victim of the New Year’s Eve murder-suicide as James Aubochon, 32, and his 28-year-old wife, Stacey Aubochon. Police believe James fatally shot Stacey, and then killed himself.

    See also: 2015 Was a Deadly Year in St. Louis. Can We Stop the Violence?

  • In Missouri, Pit Bulls Are Banned in 86 Municipalities. Dog Lovers Are Fighting Back

    In 2011, Nicole Bray thought she had found a treatment that might help her five-year-old son with his ADHD — a therapy dog. Her family adopted a boxer/mastiff mix named Gotti, and the two bonded immediately. He quickly became, Bray says, her son’s best friend.

    But despite Bray’s hopes, Gotti would only stay with the family for about two weeks. That’s because Bray lives in Florissant, which is one of many cities in Missouri with a total ban on pit bulls.

    Bray’s dog wasn’t even a pit bull. But someone had reported to Animal Control that he looked like one, and three Animal Control officers showed up at Bray’s home to to inform her that if she couldn’t find a new home for him in seven days, he would be seized by the city and euthanized. Bray says they were “complete bullies,” uninterested in her argument about Gotti’s lineage.

    “They said that I had the choice if I wanted to get a DNA test, but it would cost $500,” Bray says.

    She found a new home for the dog instead. Her son, she says, was heartbroken.

    “It traumatized him,” Bray says. “He ended up going back into therapy because of it.”

    While Bray’s dog drew the city’s attention after just two weeks, Mandi Kay Sullivan lived in Florissant for a year before authorities noticed her dog. Dexter is an American bulldog mix, also often considered a “pit bull type.” Sullivan, a former dog trainer whose husband is a veterinary technician, thought Florissant’s laws, like many other cities, merely required that her dog be licensed and microchipped.

    “I didn’t think anything of it, until one day we got the letter,” Sullivan says.

    Animal Control informed her that Dexter fell under the pit bull ban. He, too, was threatened with euthanasia.

    Rather than have him killed, Sullivan found a home for him with her 75-year-old grandmother. The city’s heavy-handed tactics still rankle her.

    “He doesn’t roam, he’s never bit anyone, no one knows he’s even there unless they see me walking him,” Sullivan says. “I feel that it’s incredibly unfair to punish him and to punish our family.”

    Florissant’s ordinance has been in effect since 2010. It formally applies to three breeds of dogs generally considered “pit bulls” — the American Staffordshire terrier, the Staffordshire bull terrier or the American pit bull terrier — as well as any mixed breed dog with any of the three as “an element of its breeding.” It also applies to any dog with “the appearance and characteristics” of a pit bull — and unless the owner pays for a DNA test, Florissant Animal Control generally relies on the opinion of whoever reports a dog as problematic.

    Not all of those owners who’ve found themselves on the city’s radar can find a new home for their dogs in a week. While Florissant recently started allowing shelters to pick up the dogs they confiscate, the city has euthanized 201 dogs since its ban went into law.

    Bray and Sullivan’s experiences led both of them to get involved with the Florissant Bully Alliance, the local group that hopes to end Florissant’s pit bull ban and the dozens of others like it in Missouri. The local ordinances are collectively known as “breed specific legislation.”

    While there have been a handful of successes — Buckner, Missouri, repealed its ordinance last year — activists have been met with defeat both at the local and state level. Even as a phalanx of heavy hitters has come out in opposition to pit bull bans, including the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) and the American Veterinary Medical Association, the laws have stayed on the books. Last year, a bill that would have repealed all breed-specific laws in Missouri was shot down in the Senate. And in Florissant, a deadlocked city council has refused for years to put a repeal of its ordinance to a vote.

    Residents like Sullivan say they still have hope.

    “They’re supposed to listen to the constituents,” Sullivan says, “and we hope they’ll listen to the people.”

  • Andrew Puzder Was Accused of Abusing His Wife

    Andrew Puzder Was Accused of Abusing His Wife

    Photo courtesy of Flickr/ Gage Skidmore — Andrew Puzder, speaking at the 2016 FreedomFest in Las Vegas.

    Andrew Puzder, the St. Louis attorney who rose to become CEO of Carl’s Jr. and now stands as Donald Trump’s pick to be Secretary of Labor, was accused of abuse by his first wife in the 1980s — with police twice summoned to the couple’s home.

    The allegations were first aired in the couple’s 1989 divorce. The abuse allegations in the divorce filings then became the subject of a July 26, 1989, Riverfront Times cover story.

    Puzder denied the abuse both in a deposition for his divorce and in the RFT ‘s story, calling his ex-wife Lisa Henning’s allegations “baseless.”

    “There was no physical abuse at any point in time,” he told the RFT .

    In her divorce filing, Henning alleged that Puzder hit her, threw her to the floor and unplugged the phone after she tried to call the police for her help. Puzder would later acknowledge in a deposition that he “grabbed her by the shoulders and pushed her back,” but said he did it to stop her from hurting herself.

    The divorce filing also detailed two other incidents: One in the late ’70s in which the neighbors called the police after a shouting match turned into a plate-throwing fight, and one in which Lisa Henning alleged that Puzder punched her in 1985 while they were driving in a car. Questioned about the incident in a deposition for the divorce case, Puzder said that he had not punched his wife, but acknowledged driving onto the curb: “I think it had to do with the liquid refreshment we had with our dinner more than anything else.”

    But in a recent email to her ex-husband, Henning — who has since remarried and now goes by a different last name — walked back her claims of abuse.

    The email was provided to the RFT by a spokesman for Andrew Puzder this afternoon, soon after this story was initially published.

    Dated November 30, 2016, the email references time the couple spent together with their children on Thanksgiving. In it, Henning states flatly, “You were not abusive.”

    She writes,

    You know how deeply I regret many of the rash decisions I made at that time and I sincerely hope that none of those decisions will become an issue for you at this time. I impulsively filed for a divorce without your knowledge and was counseled then to file an allegation of abuse. I regretted and still regret that decision and I withdrew those allegations over thirty years ago. You were not abusive. I will most definitely confirm to anyone who may ask that in no way was there abuse. We had a heated argument. We both said things to one another that we regret to this day. I have always been grateful that we have been able to forgive one another for the hurt we caused caused each other.

    The email continues, “You and I resolved this long ago. We put it behind us and now enjoy what I consider to be a loving and respectful relationship. That is a testament to your integrity and grace. This would not have been possible if you had been a violent or abusive husband. You were not. I wish you always the best of luck in any and all of your endeavors. I know you would be an excellent addition to the Trump team.”

    At the time of the RFT ‘s original story, Puzder was not associated with the Carl’s Jr. chain. The Wash U law graduate was best-known as an anti-abortion crusader who’d authored the Missouri law imposing serious restrictions on using any state funds or facilities for abortion or related services. The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the law in a landmark case, Webster vs. Reproductive Health Services , not long before the RFT aired Henning’s explosive claims.

    Puzder was also serving as the chair of then-Governor John Ashcroft’s Task Force for Mothers and Unborn Children. He offered to resign the post in light of the RFT story, according to a July 29, 1989 front page story in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch . “I wouldn’t want this to hurt the pro-life movement,” he told the daily. “I wouldn’t want this to hurt the task force, and, particularly, I don’t want it to hurt my family.”

    Neither the original RFT story nor the Post-Dispatch follow-up is currently available online. Turn the page for the complete text of the 1989 story.

    Editor’s note: We updated this story two hours after publication to include a more recent letter from Lisa Henning to her ex-husband.

    First published July 26, 1989

    PUZDER v. PUZDER Prominent anti-abortion warrior has had a family battle of his own

    by Gianna Jacobson & J.A. Lobbia

    One of the key people picked by Gov. John Ashcroft to craft Missouri’s next anti-abortion statute was accused of physical abuse by his ex-wife in their divorce case, according to documents filed in St. Louis County Circuit Court.

    St. Louis attorney Andrew F. Puzder, named Friday by Ashcroft to the Task Force for Mothers and Unborn Children, called the allegations by ex­-wife Lisa Henning “baseless” and said her charges of adult abuse were settled by a mutual consent decree without judgment against him. Henning declined to comment for this story.

    But Puzder, who helped write Missouri’s restric­tive abortion law that was upheld this month by the U.S. Supreme Court, did acknowledge in 1986 depositions that he and his wife twice engaged in disputes to which police were summoned.

    And though the divorce proceedings did not resolve Henning’s charges against Puzder, court documents show that the lawyer — now a central figure in what many consider the nation’s most important women’s issue ever — ­was embroiled in a stormy domestic battle of his own.

    Among the items in the public record:

    • Henning (formerly Lisa Puzder) alleged ​​that Puzder hit her and threw her to the kitchen floor and unplugged the phone after she tried to call police for help during an altercauon in 1986 in their Clayton home. Puzde, in a deposition denied using physical violence and said that his wife was yelling and coming at him, so he “grabbed her by the shoulders and pushed her back” to prevent her from hurting herself. Puzder said that his wife ended upon the floor. “I don’t know if herfoot caught or what happened, but she went down on her back and stayed down on the ground.” Puzder acknowledges that police responded to that altercation.
    • After that incident, Henning sought a protective order against Puzder in May 1986, alleging that he “attacked me, choked me, threw me to the floor, hit me in the head pushed his knee into my chest twisted my ar​m and dr​agged me​ ​on the floor, threw me against a wall, tried to stop my call to 911 and kicked me in the back.” Puzder told The Riverfront Times: “There wa​s​ no physical abuse at any point in time.”
    • Henning and Puzder then signed a mutual consent order that prohibited Puzder from entering the second and third floors of their home, and Henning from ente​ring the basement. In that order, issued June 30, 1986, both parties were “enjoined from abus​ing​, threatening to abuse, molesting or disturbing the peace of eac​h other.”
    • Puzder acknowledged that a shouting match with Henning in the late 1970s turned into a plate-throwing fight that caused neighbors to call police to their apartment on South Rosebury in Clayton. He said in a deposition that the argument began over Henning’s housekeeping habits. Puzder said in his deposition· “We both threw plates and, I might add, not at each other, and the neighbors called the police.”
    • In his deposition. Puzder denied Henning’s allegation that he punched her in an incident in a car in the West End in 1985. “I recall no such incident,” he said in his deposition. He added, however: “I do recall coming back from the Central West End and going up on a curb near Forsyth and Skinker. but it had nothing to do with my reaction to Lisa. I think it had to do with the liquid refreshment we had with our dinner more than anything else. But it was just up and over and off.”

    Records show the couple was married in 1973 and divorced in 1987. They had two children. As a result of the divorce, Henning and Puzder were awarded joint custody of their son and daughter, with primary physical placement with Hennings. Later, as the result of Puzder’s motion to modify the custody decree, the physical placement of the son was changed to Puzder, records show.

    The documents also show that Henning was awarded $1,000 a month for maintenance for three years for herself and $730 per child per month for child support.

    The relevance of Puzder’s domestic trouble varies according to whom you ask. Laura Cohen, state coordinator for the Missouri branch of the National Abortion Rights Action League, says, “If this is really true we have to wonder where Gov. Ashcroft’s judgement is. Should someone like Puzder recommend policy for all the women and children in Missouri? The ultimate question is ‘Who decides?’ Will men like this be able to have control over women’s most personal and private choices?”

    Ashcroft could not be reached for comment.

    Puzder himself says his domestic troubles have no bearing on his public work. “This is a personal matter and has nothing to do with issues I’m speaking out on,” he told the RFT Monday night. “The fact that I was appointed to the task force, I don’t think is relevant to these issues. This is what normally happens in divorce case. You’re blowing it way out of proportion.

    “There was no physical abuse at any point in time. If ever something was filed to gain personal benefit, this is it. If you’re trying to smear me by raising the fact that my ex-wife made some charges against me, you’re making a big mistake. It would not be good journalistic practice to publish this. I have been served with nothing. I was involved with a custody battle for my son over a year ago, which I won.”

    But Daniel Sokol, the attorney who represented Henning in the adult abuse action and divorce, says of his client, ” I believe her. I handle 150 domestic relations cases a year. I thought her story was not only credible but true. I would not pursue a cause of action on behalf of a client unless I believed it.”

    Sokol is vice-chairman of the Family Law Section of the Missouri Bar Association.

    Sokol says he has copies of medical reports that substantiate that something occurred to cause Henning injury. “This was an allegation of a series of instances coupled with physical evidence. Obviously, it’s her word of how the injures occurred, but there was other supporting evidence. There was objective outside support for violent arguments and things being thrown.”

    He adds that adult abuse cases are commonly resolved by mutual consent orders, but says he advised Henning to go to trial rather than accept the order because, he says, “I thought the (consent) order was unworkable …. we prepared for a trial on this. We appeared in court ready. I recommended that we go to trial on the adult abuse claim, and Lisa was apprehensive, nervous about a trial. She believed that because her husband was an attorney, he . would withstand the rigors of litigation better.

    But Puzder says the consent decree was a satisfactory solution to both parties: “My ex-wife filed something against me to get me out of the house. Anybody can challenge anything in court. It was dropped. This happens in a lot of divorce cases and it was settled between her and I pursuant to a consent decree. She filed a motion for violation of the consent decree, and we filed a motion for sanctions for a frivolous motion. She dropped her motion.

    “As part of a lot of divorce cases now, claims are made under the Adult Abuse Act. This one was baseless and nothing ever came of it. There was never even a hearing on any of these things, not even on the initial abuse charge. Lisa and I worked it out through a settlement, then she got upset and filed again. We filed against her and she dropped her claim. She tried to attach by wages, but when we chal­lenged her in court she dropped it. It didn’t go anywhere and no court judgments were made against me.”

    Puzder repeatedly stresses that his divorce case “has nothing to do with” his appointment to the governor s task force.

    Puzder has long been active in Lawyers for Life, an anti-abortion group. He essentially wrote the language of the Missouri House Bill 1596, which was the basis for the case that the Supreme Court decided on July 3. The original state bill was passed in 1986 — the same year that Henning charged Puzder in the adult abuse case.

    ​Ashcroft’s panel, made up of seven people with anti-abortion ties, has itself come under sharp criticism from both pro- and anti-choice forces.

    Two leaders of the Missouri Legislature were reported Tuesday as saying the task force is “obviously slanted toward one side of the issue” and not “a fair way to proceed in trying to arrive at a consensus.” The two politicians, Senate President Pro Tem James Matthewson (D-Sedalia) and House Speaker Bob Griffin (D-Cameron) both characterize themselves as supporters of abortion restrictions.

    Pro-choice activists are also protesting the task force, which includes Puzder, Lou DeFeo, lobbyist for the Missouri Catholic Conference and Loretto Wagner, president of Missouri Citizens for Life.

    “This is another example of how our governor promotes his personal religious agenda at the expense of Missouri taxpayers — and the health of women in our state,” says Cohen. “The governor’s appointments expose this task force for what it is — a sham.” In particular Cohen questioned why no obstetricians or gynecologists were named to the task force.

    One reason for criticizing the all anti-choice group, Cohen says, is that it is not representative of voters in Missouri. A recent MissouriNet poll shows that 54 percent of the state favors upholding legalized abortion as it is provided under the Roe vs. Wade ruling, while only 42 percent of the state supports overturning the 1973 decision.