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  • Plight of the Gypsies

    They excite the hatred of the bourgeois even though inoffensive as sheep…. that hatred is linked to something deep and complex; it is found in all orderly people. It is the hatred that they feel for the bedouin, the heretic, the philosopher, the solitary, the poet, and there is fear in that hatred.

    — Gustave Flaubert in a letter to George Sand, written after a visit to a camp of gypsies at Rouen, France


    Stand, very quiet, on the corner of Meramec and Gustine, and listen. You’re deep in scrubby-Dutch country, where people live on one street their whole lives and order trumps pleasure every time. But if the wind blows right, you’ll hear the wild, sad strains of the Roma violin, the shimmer of the tambourine-drum.

    It’s about the only way you’d know they are here.

    We don’t recognize the Roma — some have dark, finely drawn Indian faces, whereas others are “white gypsies,” pale as a northern European. They don’t have Roma surnames; they have names straight from the tortuous Balkan history that drove them here. They’re not quick to announce themselves, either; if they meet someone American-born, they just say they are Bosnian. But they speak Romani — and often five or six other languages — and they are indeed “gypsies,” the old derogatory term many still use themselves as a shortcut for the gadje who know no better.

    Gadje is Romani for the rest of us, anyone who is not Roma. The word itself is pretty neutral, taken from the Sanskrit word for “civilian.” But for these immigrants, it’s a bruised and wary reference to the other immigrants from Bosnia-Herzegovina, the ones they say despise them.

    To the Roma, religion, race and ethnicity matter about as much as whether a man takes cream in his coffee. They scorn dogma, ignore bloodlines, protect no homeland. And in the past decade’s fierce Balkan wars, they paid a price for this neutrality. Some were drafted at gunpoint, some tortured or killed as traitors; some camped amid sewage in Macedonia, ignored by refugee agencies, and at least 100 drowned in the dark waters off the coast of Montenegro, trying to reach Italy. Those who stayed put fared worse. In Kosovo, they were first forced to dig graves for ethnic Albanians murdered by the Serbs, then branded collaborators by the Kosovo Liberation Army, then asked by United Nations officials to dig graves for the Serbs because there was no one else left who would.

    For the gadje refugees, war was hell, too. Familiar lives shattered, they streamed into western Europe, then St. Louis and other American resettlement centers. But for the Roma, Eastern Europe has ceased to be hospitable, and most of Western Europe is refusing them entry, suspecting motives more economic than political. Until a recent panic, the United Kingdom was the gentle exception, allowing Roma to enter and then shooing them from town to town or building “accommodation units” in old industrial parks. But now even England is lifting the drawbridge.

    So they are here, a tiny, rocky, hidden cove in the sea of 22,000 immigrants from Bosnia-Herzegovina. Roma rent flats next door to their countrymen, drink the same strong sweet boiled coffee, listen to music at the Sarajevo restaurant on Chippewa every Saturday night.

    But here, like everywhere else they have been, they know exactly what the gadje think of them.

    “In Bosnia, gypsies are people who didn’t have a house, who live in tents and don’t work,” offers Senada Delic, who was born in the southern part of Bosnia-Herzegovina. “A lot don’t know writing, don’t know reading. They go to every house and say, ‘Give me money, give me bread,’ and people do, because God sees.” In her work for a long-distance-telephone company, Delic has noticed a lot of Romani voices lately; she says “they speak Bosnian but not true,” and her tone is disapproving. “Gypsies like to sit down; they like a lot of music. They are very happy people; they care about nothing.”

    Amir Hotic, president of BIH Travel here in St. Louis, remembers watching the gypsies dress up grizzly bears to dance while people threw money from the balconies of Zavidovici. “That is how they lived,” he says. “We were always afraid of the gypsies. After the Sunday matinee, the gypsy kids always fought with us. And if you were bad, your mother would say, ‘I’m going to give you to an old gypsy woman, and she will take you to Italy.’”

    Ron Klutho has heard these stories, too. A lanky, gentle English as a Second Language teacher who coordinates refugee services at St. Pius V Church on South Grand Boulevard, he learned that hundreds of Roma were living nearby and wanted to help them. “Bosnians would tell me, ‘Don’t waste your time — they don’t want to work, they’re not educated, they’re lazy,’” he recalls. “They would lick a finger and put it in the air and say, ‘The gypsies are like this. Whatever it would behoove them to be today.’”

    When Klutho started meeting Roma families, he felt as if somebody had poured the pieces of two jigsaw puzzles into a single box. Some pieces fit what he’d heard — the apartments on Spring Avenue and Delor Street where he saw children playing outside on school days; the adults who came to St. Pius pleading for money they didn’t need and jobs they wouldn’t keep. “I got one couple jobs at a cafeteria, and the guy said they worked really well — and four days later they quit and moved to Florida,” he sighs. “They’ll be back; before, they moved to Kentucky for a while, and then to Minnesota, and just here in St. Louis they moved from to Ohio to Halliday to Roger to Spring to Ellenwood. I’ve run out of spaces in my address book!”

    Klutho tried not to generalize, but those were the pieces that fell into place fast, making a recognizable “gypsy” border. Then he met more families — like the father who came here to get education and a good safe life for his kids, and Avdija Huskic, who’s working full-time at a church and just bought a four-family flat. Those pieces made a completely different picture.

    Hafidza Osmic grinds the day’s home-roasted coffee with resigned patience, the brass-topped cylinder of the grinder resting in her lap as she slowly spins the crank. Her two grown daughters do most of the talking, showing none of the legendary gypsy secrecy … except that Osmic is not their real name. “I am not afraid,” insists the younger daughter — call her Mirela. “But here there are more Bosnian people, and maybe in the night somebody might….” She pulls her 18-month-old up onto her lap and smooths the little girl’s hair unnecessarily, a mother’s fidget.

    “Our grandpa, he’d been everywhere in the world,” inserts Mirela’s older sister, Sanela. “He told us if you put one gadjo on the table and another under the table, whatever the guy on the table thinks, the one under the table will say. So,” she concludes firmly, “you cannot trust gadje.”

    Hafidza nods once, and her silence carries the full dignity of a matriarch. But it’s a role she never envisioned playing from a cheap apartment off South Kingshighway, walls decorated with Japanese fans from Family Dollar. As a girl, she met her husband the traditional way, during the evening korzo, when Europeans stroll their public squares. The couple raised their children in Sanski Most, a small town filled with flower boxes and surrounded by the mountains of the former Yugoslavia. Then, eight years ago, her husband died, and war tore the town into bloody shreds, and Hafidza had to leave with her daughters and two grandchildren. She does not like the way they must live now, “three women alone, always nervous, worried about paying the bills.”

    “Papa took care of everything,” explains Mirela. “We never had to work.” She sometimes comforts herself by imagining how appalled he’d be to see them in these straits. “We would have everything if he was alive. He spoke seven languages; he had friends who were doctors and policemen. He knew a lot about the world.”

    When Mirela talks about her own absent husband, that ease vanishes. Facts drop scant as bread crumbs: He is dark-skinned. He is a Rom. He was born in Serbia, to parents from Albania and Macedonia. He is now in “Italia” with her brother. Finally Hafidza wrinkles her nose and pronounces the husband “not good” — not good, at least, for her daughter, whose oval face is lovely enough to carve into a cameo.

    Sanela, 39, with a teenage son, is more Picasso than Modigliani — strong features, hooked nose and flashing eyes. “In 1982 I make finish with my husband,” she says crisply, clapping her hands twice to indicate finality. “The man I loved, my family did not approve.” The sisters talk in turn about growing up in Sanski Most, which they miss desperately. “We lived a normal life,” insists Mirela, “working, not stealing. My father was a tailor; he made clothes and we sold them at the market. We lived well — except that the gadje treated us like animals. Still, we went to school. I always thought if I got to school, maybe one day I’d be something.”

    Like a changeling who has learned she has royal blood, Mirela is quick to emphasize who her family really is, carefully distancing them from the world’s assumptions. “There are two kinds of gypsies,” she says. “Cergary, they like to change cities all the time. Some have a good life, some bad, but they live outside. They go from place to place because they are begging and they wear out their welcome.” At this, Hafidza sets down the grinder, wraps a towel around her hand and slowly brings her arm up, twisting it to show how cergary pretend to be disabled. Later, when a neighbor drops in, Hafidza greets her and chats — and, the minute she leaves, whispers distastefully, ‘Cergar.’”

    Mirela brings a tray of bubbling coffee and pours it into small handleless cups, gracious as a British peer’s daughter. While she’s spooning sugar, Sanela produces the family photo album, pointing first to a black-and-white shot that looks like a still from an Ingrid Bergman movie. It’s their parents, about 40 years ago, on holiday in Italy. Pages flip; the photos take on color; you see weddings and holidays and finally, a little house in the hills. Tension fills the room. “Muslims destroyed,” explains Mirela, murmuring the words beneath an angry cascade of Romani from the others.

    “When I was small, I was playing with Serb guys and Muslims,” volunteers Sanela’s 16-year-old son, Elvis, drawn into the living room by the smell of coffee. Tall and skinny, he slumps into the sofa, gulps coffee and leans forward. “I was about 8 years old when the war started, and I thought I would die. People did die; I saw soldiers hit you if you just said something. But I was lucky: If I’d been this age then, I would have had to fight; I couldn’t say no, or they would shoot me. It happened to a Rom I knew.”

    Asked whether it was Bosnians or Serbs who made the boy fight, Elvis shrugs eloquently; he neither knows nor cares. “First the Serbs conquered our town,” he explains, “and then the Muslims came in ’94 and said, ‘You guys were fighting with the Serbs against us,’ and destroyed our house. We were already gone — in ’93 we went in a convoy to Croatia. Everyone with a Muslim name had to leave.”

    “We had to sign papers giving up our rights to our property,” says his mother. “In Croatia, we went to churches for help and the priests said, ‘Nothing for Muslims.’ I said, ‘We are not Muslim, we are gypsies,’ and then one priest gave us food. But there was no life there for us.” The family paid a hefty chunk of their savings to a Croatian man who promised to smuggle them to Belgium in his van. At each border — Slovenia, Austria, Germany, Belgium — they climbed from the back of the van and sneaked breathlessly across streams and woods, meeting the driver at a prearranged spot safely beyond the checkpoint. To survive in Belgium, they had to beg, says Sanela, thrusting out her hand and looking disgusted. “Moroccan people gave us money. Belgians did not. We were always on the run, sleeping in streets, going on interviews to see if we could stay someplace.” Finally they made their way to the Netherlands, where they lived in a camp and Elvis was able to go to school. “I had many friends there,” he says proudly. “It was like camp — corrugated walls, a room about this size for us” — he gestures at the tiny living room. “We were there two or three years. I wanted to stay; the time for me was really fast there. But they didn’t give us status.”

    His mother wanted to stay, too, mainly because the doctors were kind. She’d started having problems with her nerves in Belgium, when so many days went by without their finding a place to stay. At night, nightmares of war exploded one after another, relentless as machine guns. Sanela still takes strong medicine for depression. She brings the pharmacy bag to demonstrate, handing it over with a worried look. “The medicine is too strong because she is so thin,” her sister explains, and Sanela confides that sometimes she gets dizzy and it scares her. “But I have to take it, or — ” she makes her hands shake convulsively. “One time in Holland,” she adds casually, “I take all medicine to kill me.”

    Elvis’ eyes are cast down, fixed on the glossy red Job Corps folder in the middle of the coffee table. He left it there on purpose, because it makes his mom happy to talk about his future, which could be bright if he’d stay in school. He already speaks eight languages, picks them up easy as breathing. But all he really wants is to be a mechanic and have a car. “He sleeps, he thinks about car,” sighs his mom, and Elvis sighs like a burdened parent himself: “I like cars much too much.”

    Even a Mercedes wouldn’t drive away the nightmares, though: Sanela jerks her upper body to show how her son wakes at night. Hafidza, too, has nightmares, but she refuses to talk about them. “Why people sick like that, it’s because they think too much of what is past,” she says, glancing at her daughter before rising to clear the cups.

    The original “gypsies” came from several different ethnic groups, gathered into a band to fight the Muslims. Scholars have narrowed their origins to northern India but haven’t yet figured out why so many left at the end of the 10th century. Slowly making their way up through Iran (one Romani legend says they flew on the wings of a turkey), they arrived in Europe around 1100. They announced themselves as exiles from Little Egypt. Promptly, mistakenly, they were christened “gypsies.” The newcomers had no territory, no wealth, no allies or political authority, no place to seek refuge. Swept to the margins of each society they entered, they were burned in medieval pogroms, enslaved in Romania, banished from Napoleon’s France, ordered by the king of Hungary to give up their dress and language.

    Asked what he knows of his people’s history, Elvis shrugs. “Some say we came from India,” he says finally, and Mirela nods eagerly. “If you see Indian people, same dances, same life,” she says. “They like to eat, drink, dance. Music — music is something beautiful to us.” She looks at her nephew expectantly, and he rises to play a cassette of mournful Roma music. “Only Roma can understand what is pain and soul,” he says, his eyes daring you to contradict him. Then the music quickens, its spirit lifting his. “Show the dance,” he urges, and while the older women dissemble, Mirela’s toddler sways her hips unsteadily, curving her hands forward with perfect grace.

    Eventually Sanela leaves the room and returns in a vivid full skirt, bare- midriffed. Lost in the music, she is utterly unselfconscious, taut stomach muscles rippling as she demonstrates their dance. Mirela looks a little uncomfortable. “My people only wear that on Gurgev Dan,” she says hurriedly.

    That’s Gypsy Day, May 6, otherwise known as St. George’s Day. “It was originally a Serbian festival,” says Elvis, “but they like too much the gypsy music, so without us there is no Gurgev Dan. Now,” he adds, “the gypsies alone are making the party. If someone in your family is dead and he is not at the day with you, you light a cigarette for him, for his soul.”

    On a traditional Gurgev Dan, bonfires blaze at dawn and the coffee bubbles strong and fragrant in tin pots. By mid-morning, the sweet crackle of roasting pig has claimed the air. After dinner, the young men, half-drunk, jump the flames, and the poets set candles in Styrofoam and float them on the blackening river. Then the violins start, their music pulling dancers toward a clearing, and the children, eyes filled with the blurred bright colors of their mothers’ whirling skirts, fall fast asleep on the hard ground.

    The custom probably won’t continue here: too many rules about bonfires, and curfew, and river access, and alcohol outdoors. That’s the sort of contrast that makes people romanticize gypsy life, imagining it as a passionate freedom from bourgeois constraints; an outlet for what is vivid, soulful and irrational; a repository of ancient lore and mystery.

    Early in the war, when soldiers showed up in Zavidovici asking to buy four vans, Avdija Huskic knew what to do. Well-schooled in his grandmother’s import- export business, the teenager urged the men to take them for nothing. “I give it to you guys,” he said. “If I live in this place, I want it to be safe.”

    Pleased, the soldiers suggested he come along with them and drive the vans, join in the struggle. The mood changed instantly. “I don’t want to kill nobody, I don’t want to drive nothing,” retorted Huskic, backing away.

    One of the soldiers stepped closer. “You see what is happening,” he said, his voice raw. “Serbs are killing us.”

    “To me,” the boy repeated stubbornly, “everybody is the same.”

    The hate he saw in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and now sees here, bewilders him. “Many priests tell me about Adam and Eva, the first people,” remarks Huskic. “You might say that you’re American and he’s Serbian and I’m Bosnian — but we all came from those two people.”

    Born in Zavidovici, he grew up with his beloved grandmother, and when she died in 1985, he struck out on his own, finding relatives in other countries and learning how to buy Italian robes and linens, carry them across borders and sell them at a profit. Then, sensing the impending war — “We know trouble before anybody else” — Huskic tried to get Croatian papers but was refused. Eventually he was found hiding out in a small Croatian town without documentation and sent to a camp on the tiny island of Obonjan.

    “For 17 months, you don’t see cars,” he says, making it as tragic as not seeing the sun. He doesn’t talk abut the violence there or explain why his forearms don’t completely straighten anymore. Instead, he cheerfully describes the size of the “mice,” holding his hands a foot apart. “We shooed them away; we didn’t kill them. I tried to put wood up to block them out; I used — like for a shoe — laces. Everybody was amazed that I made a door. But the wind was really strong and cold, and you only had one blanket, so you put half under you and the rest tried to pull it over you, and made a pillow with your clothes.

    “There were maybe 4,000 people there,” he continues. “They said, ‘How come you have Avdija name? That is Muslim name,’ and I said, ‘We don’t have gypsy names, we have Serb or Muslim or Catholic — we have those names. Then a policeman said, ‘If you are close to that Serb, I will break your leg.’ And I said, ‘The man is the same to me as you. He is just a man.’”

    While confined on Obonjan, Huskic watched his friend steal the police ferryboat he’d just washed and head, like so many others, for Italy. “I hosed the boat, put the keys back and left, and he came inside, took the keys and made a run for it. The police boat could make that 45-minute ferry crossing in three minutes. My friend had been beaten by the Croatian police, so he told the Italians, ‘Go ahead and arrest me.’ Later he called me on the phone and said he’d gotten papers as a refugee.”

    With the help of an American journalist, Huskic, too, secured permission to leave, arriving in the U.S. on Sept. 7, 1995. He stayed nearly two years in Binghamton, N.Y., then, at age 22, came on his own to St. Louis. Standing in line at the crowded, chaotic International Institute, Huskic — whose thin, sensitive features and smoldering eyes would startle most American women into shyness — met his future wife, also Romani. She came from Prijedor, a city north of his hometown. “I had a really nice suit,” he grins, “and I took my haircut, and I had 1,000 German marks glued under my shoes. So all the time I am checking out my shoes. I saw her walking with her brother, and then I heard her trying to send something to Switzerland, and I offered to write ‘Switzerland’ for her. She said, ‘You’re gypsy?’”

    The couple now has two small children, and Huskic is making payments on a four-family flat big enough to accommodate his wife’s extended family. He’s also making payments on an Infiniti, bought to impress his people because he eventually hopes to be a gypsy king (a position many now accord to his wife’s grandfather). “You have to be straight up to be a gypsy king,” explains Huskic, “and you have to have all the information, go to meetings, politics, that kind of stuff. In Bosnia you have to be rich, too, but here everybody knows we can’t get lots of money.” He works full-time as a custodian for St. Margaret of Scotland, does odd jobs on the side and hopes to rent out the family’s fourth flat. “I want to make sure they are nice people,” he says, holding himself a little straighter. “I like to be clean, put out flowers.”

    He’s a living contradiction of the “dirty thieving wanderer” stereotype, and he knows it. He also knows why: “Lots of gypsies never have any education, but I went to school for eight years.” A math and language whiz, he says the other kids’ taunting finally drove him away. “Everybody call us ‘Gypsy, gypsy.’ First grade they try to bother me, and I start to fight back. I say, ‘Why you can tell me that? I have my name; you can call me my name. You have your own; I have my own.’

    “When I was older, the boys were fighting with me,” he continues, “saying, ‘Gypsy-gypsy-gypsy,’ and one day I take a chair and break the window and throw everything out. The policeman came, and I said, ‘Would you not be mad if somebody tried to make you mad for nothing?’ And then I stopped going to school. My aunt was really young, my age, so I took her with me to the office and said, ‘I got married — I’m not going anymore to school.’ And the principal bought us a wedding present.”

    By the time he left school, he’d had a brush with “gypsy crime”: “One of my friends had a machine and was making no-good money, crazy money,” recalls Huskic. “I said, ‘I don’t want to be in jail for that. Somebody can kill you like a dog.’ He said, ‘You can just drive the car.’ I said, ‘No, I’m just 15 years old!’ — and finally I said, ‘OK, let’s go.’ It had 16 valves, stick shift, really fast,” he adds, the glee still alive. “We stop and sell 3,000 German marks, then go to Sarajevo, and he sells another couple thousand. I said, ‘Let’s go now — don’t do it anymore.’ He wanted to sell it back home. I said, ‘Anybody knows us there — let’s go, let’s go.’ Then a policeman caught us both. I told the truth, everything, and they let me go.”

    Gypsy crime isn’t always so benign: “The Roma I worked with in Latvia were dealing drugs,” notes Barbara Bogomolov, who now manages refugee-health services at Barnes-Jewish Hospital. “In many communities overseas, the Roma are relegated to a criminal fringe role. But I’ve seen no sign of crime in the Roma I’ve worked with here.”

    Europeans would find that hard to believe. Their crime reports throb with a new kind of outrage — not clever-cute warnings of fortune-teller fraud but a bristling fury at the gypsies’ audacity. Roma made headlines Jan. 21 when they cleared 74 acres of forest in the Rumanian village of Afumati, refused to give up the stolen wood and then allegedly attacked the policemen asking them to leave. On Feb. 1, when staff at a supermarket near London were squirted with breast milk by a lactating Romani refugee they’d caught stealing. On Feb. 13 in Tabor, just south of Prague, when they refused requests to leave a restaurant well after closing time. Three were injured in the resulting melee.

    These accounts reek of fear — not so much the traditional fear, of being exploited by thieves and tramps and fraudulent fortune-tellers, but a more primal fear, of the wild strangers who intrude on civilized society and shatter its rules. Roma are quintessentially Other: They pay no heed to conventions of home ownership, propriety or churchgoing morality; they have no stake in society, no mortgage or stock portfolio, few relationships of mutual respect with gadje. So until recently, they’ve had little incentive to stick around, fill out the census form, sign up to bring a casserole, show up for Little League.

    Now economics and social pressures are forcing the issue.

    In August 1996, Disney Adventures magazine wrote whimsically about a condition called “gypsyitis,” its symptoms being “an urge to run away from it all and dance among the dandelions.” Taken aback by protests, the editor insisted that this was “a positive portrayal of the Gypsy spirit.” But outside the Magic Kingdom, the Roma are more focused on survival than on dandelion-dancing.

    “No sign here of that romantic roving life,” announced Richard Blystone, broadcasting for CNN from Usti nad Labem. “Most of East and Central Europe’s 6 million gypsies have forgotten it, we were told, and don’t really want it anymore — but haven’t been accepted staying put.”

    The nomadic life started out of necessity. When the Roma arrived in Europe, they didn’t own property but weren’t serfs, so they had no position in which to stay anywhere for any length of time. Rivers became their bathtubs, and they developed a strict taboo against contamination, or marime. (Ian Hancock, a scholar who has written extensively about his Roma heritage, remembers being taught with utter disgust that the gadje washed clothes and vegetables in the same bowl and let dogs eat off their plates and sleep in their beds.)

    Gradually the travelers developed trades natural to a caravan: shoeing horses, peddling wares, performing. They were accused of shiftlessness, yet they could whisper horses, exchange currencies without a calculator, carve treasures from scrap material, turn a violin into theology. “Their music pulls your soul to cry,” says Amir Hotic, adding, “Maybe it is because they don’t have a set house. Maybe they are crying to be settled, crying to be recognized.” He says he hired two Roma at the Marriott West, and that very day a $10,000 LCD projector went missing. The pair were suspected immediately. But management later decided the client had taken the projector with him — and the Roma proved excellent employees.

    “You hear people say they are lazy,” remarks Bogomolov, “but if you look carefully, they are anything but lazy about the issues they deem important. If something is not important to them, even if it’s quite within their capability, it’s rather important for it not to be important. The whole philosophy is that you should not waste your energy and time and precious thought on something that is truly not an issue.”

    Equally misunderstood is the Roma attitude toward “duty” and “possessions” — words that, for years, supposed experts have claimed do not exist in Romani. Exasperated by a mistake that gets picked up, repeated and philosophized every time someone writes about the Roma, Hancock finally compiled a list of 10 words for duty and 15 for “possession” from the language’s various dialects. No one had bothered to check.

    The Roma keep their secrets, that’s the excuse; they refuse to teach gadje their language or the rituals that color their lives. Indeed, history and sociology texts are full of elaborately footnoted, utterly inaccurate explanations of gypsy culture, mischievously offered to amateur scholars who’d made pets of them. The secrecy is mainly self-protection, but it widens the wedge, making alienation not only the core of Roma identity but its curse.

    Trust cancels the curse. So Avdija Huskic has been trying to teach Ron Klutho the ropes — how to roast a pig, how to speak Romani. “To be gypsy, you don’t need to be really fantastic,” he said reassuringly. “You just need to be with the people all the time, have a community, eat together. Five or six people eat from one plate.” Klutho got the message: Americans don’t know how to share, or live in the moment, or enjoy themselves with abandon. In Huskic’s words, “Gadje just eat pita; we eat the whole lamb.” (It’s not just metaphor: The last time Huskic roasted a lamb outdoors on a spit, neighbors yelled, “What are you doing? You killed a dog!”)

    In fairness, though, there is much in Roma culture to confuse an outsider. Until recently, St. Louis’ only real clues came at times of death, when the gypsies’ elaborate rites of mourning caught the media’s attention. Back in 1935, when Queen Lily of the Mitchell tribe died, she lay in state in a tent on the grounds of the Hoffmeister Mortuary at 7814 S. Broadway, clothed in pink and red silk, with clean straw beneath her casket and a lighted gasoline stove in front of it. Six years later, another Roma chief, Gus Stevens, lay in state under a tent at a gypsy camp in Bridgeton, where 30 followers kissed his feet and face and drank whiskey in his honor, pouring a sip on the ground for the Old Man before each drink.

    According to Anne Sutherland, who has written about cross-cultural medicine in the Patrin Web Journal, a repository of information on the Romani culture, “Reporters, physicians, hospital staff, social workers and police are all aware of a great happening when a gypsy becomes seriously ill and dies. When they ask what is going on, they may be told, ‘A gypsy king (queen, prince) has died.’ This reply is a way of satisfying reporters and providing a reasonable explanation to hospital staff and police of why the gypsies are flocking into town in large numbers…. Death is a major crisis in a gypsy family that must be dealt with in ritual.”

    Mourning swallows every other aspect of life; one does not wash or shave or comb one’s hair, and no food is prepared during the intense grieving period. Next, all material ties with the deceased must be burned, broken or sold without profit. “After a funeral, depending on how much money you have, you go to a hotel or someone’s home,” says Huskic. “You put the person down, the family puts a little dirt and then everybody shovels a little, and when you leave, you can’t turn back, or he will pull you down with him. After the funeral, people go directly to wash their hands. And then we eat. Some people go back and bring food to the cemetery. If the man smoked, then you smoke. If he drank, you have to spill a little into the grave and then drink.

    “We have wedding customs, too,” he offers. “Put two thin loaves of bread under the wife’s arms, you have sugar cubes in your mouth — you have to kiss and exchange. Then you put the right hand up outside the door and hit her. If she falls down, she is not good. Then you take glasses and break them. If those glasses don’t break, it is not good also. But I did it different here in America, just going to the judge.”

    His voice is wistful; life seems a little less sacred here, and though, like most Roma, he has little patience for the categories of organized religion, he feels no less religious because of it. “We do believe in God,” points out Sanela. “We don’t see him, but we feel h

  • The Boys from Boonville

    When Stanley Joseph was 15, he fell in love with the girl next door, and together they discovered sex. In a New York borough, it would have made for a Philip Roth novel. But these kids lived in St. Louis’ Pruitt-Igoe housing project, and the year was 1963. “My girlfriend’s mother blamed me for her daughter’s interest in sex,” says Joseph, “and several of her adult male relatives made threats against me that couldn’t be ignored.”

    Joseph didn’t know what to do — and neither did his parents. “They were timid Christian people who were quite satisfied with being able to fade into obscurity,” he explains wryly. “My mother was a housewife and my dad was a mailman, and neither knew how to defuse the situation.” Instead, Franklin and Bernice Joseph quietly began looking for a way to move out of the projects with their nine kids. But in their eldest’s anxious mind, that wasn’t near enough action to counter the menace from the Capulet side of this feud. So he ran away from home.

    His parents knew they’d find him at the home of relatives, but sensing a possible solution, they had him brought in by the juvenile authorities. Then, says Joseph, they begged the judge to keep their boy someplace safe until they could move out of the projects. “The judge said the only way he could detain me for any noticeable length of time would be to send me to the Missouri Training School for Boys in Boonville.”

    At the time, it seemed like an answer. On March 7, 1963, the boy was duly committed to the State Board of Training after a hearing in which, according to juvenile records, it was “alleged that Stanley Joseph has failed to abide by the rules of supervision in that he was truant from school, remained out of the house overnight without parental permission and failed to keep appointment with Court worker.”

    The next day, Joseph walked for the first time through the heavy doors of the Missouri Training School for Boys (MTS). Ninety minutes west of St. Louis, the residence had opened back in 1887 to reform delinquent youngsters ages 10-17. By the early 1940s, its reputation was Dickensian. (“When they wanted to punish the boys, they would put them in solitary and grind up their food into garbage,” recalls Ann Carter Stith of St. Louis, a former Kansas City Star reporter who was eventually galvanized into working for prison reform.)

    Soon after Joseph arrived at Boonville, there was an especially bad fight between a black boy and a white boy. “They tried to say I was involved, but I didn’t know either one of ’em,” he says. “I’d only been there a few days! They came and got me — I was working in the bakery — and they had about eight other black guys, and they took us all to the hole (concrete cells on the top floor of the administration building). They never did say why.”

    Solitary confinement would have been bad enough, but four weeks later, Joseph found himself handcuffed, shackled and thrown on a bus with six other boys. They were being “administratively transferred” to the Missouri State Penitentiary in Jefferson City, then called “the bloodiest 40 acres in America.” There, the boys were strip-searched, fingerprinted, photographed and assigned inmate numbers.

    There had been no warning, no hearing, no certification of the 14- and 15-year-olds as legal adults and no criminal charges against them, let alone convictions. According to Missouri prison records, all these boys were originally charged with “delinquency,” then transferred to the penitentiary because they were “incorrigible.”

    They were also black. And in the next two weeks, Joseph says, he saw two more groups of juveniles processed into the penitentiary, not a white boy among them.

    On April 19, his group was moved again, this time to the Algoa prison farm, where for the next year Joseph would do manual labor and sleep in an open dormitory with 50 or so young-adult convicts.

    His shocked parents — who first learned of the transfer when he wrote them from the penitentiary — drove to Algoa faithfully every two weeks on visiting day. Except for the first time, though, Joseph’s dad always waited outside in the car. “He was ashamed of his child and himself,” explains Joseph tersely. After that first visit, when they were confronted with a son battered, bruised and indefinably changed, his parents had begun to quarrel bitterly. His mom was desperate for his dad to do something to save their son. His dad didn’t know how — and he was terrified of losing his government job.

    “In 1963,” remarks Joseph, “it was not wise for a black man with a large family to make trouble for powerful state officials.”

    David Wainwright’s earliest memories are the little cakes his mom used to make, and then her lying down one day, when he was about 7, and dying. “At the time, I thought she was just tired and went to sleep, and I started shaking her,” he says. “To this day I don’t know what happened. Nobody ever took the time to explain it to me.” The Wainwrights lived in a semirough part of Kansas City; David’s brothers were all older, and his dad was a big, stern man (“You didn’t quiz him”) who worked for the Missouri Pacific Railroad. That left David with his new stepmother for long stretches, and at 15, when he started getting “rowdy,” she wasn’t sure how to handle him.

    “One day we were on our way to school,” he recalls. “We wanted to go to this baseball game, at the old Royals stadium, so bad. So I said, “Hey, we can walk from here, from 40th and Prospect down to 18th and Brooklyn, and be there in time for the game.’ We made it inside, and there was this truant officer — I don’t know where he came from. Fat Sundae (his friend Robert Burns, who always had an ice cream in his hand) still thinks I’m mad at him because he got away — I was the one who ran track! But they caught me and took me to school, and that’s when the trouble started. I’ve never been much of a person to like authority, and they started talking to me, and I kind of — no, I didn’t “kind of’ nothing — I got pissed. I said, “This is the first time I done anything and y’all gonna try and suspend me?’ And then I got into a fight in the lunchroom and they did suspend me.”

    Next thing he knew, he found himself at Boonville.

    “I think Dad was trying to make me snap out of being rowdy,” he says wryly. “But it had the opposite effect.” By 1963, there were 459 kids at Boonville and nowhere near enough staff to handle them. School, says Wainwright, “wasn’t pushed” — at least, not if you were sufficiently big and strong to work the fields. Evenings, he spent dodging bullies like the massive “Raspberry,” who’d terrified him from day one, and fighting.

    “They had a little ritual — they’d take you down in the basement and you had to fight the duke of the dormitory,” he recalls. “Either you learned, or you took a whuppin’. At first, I just put my head down and started swingin’; that’s what I thought fighting was about.” Finally another boy taught him technique. “You take a kid 15 years old, and every day you get him in the basement boxing with people, it becomes part of who you are,” observes Wainwright. “We didn’t think about things, we just reacted: “You piss me off, I’ll get your butt.’ The guards used to goad us into fighting with each other, and they’d bet on us.”

    One night, he says, “a guard came downstairs and broke up a fight by hitting us with a steel watchclock, and we fought back.” As punishment, he and several others were sent to the “hole,” which he remembers as “up on the roof, kind of like an old warehouse.” Then he was told that they were being moved. “There was a priest — he’s the one told us,” says Wainwright, his eyes narrowing. “We asked why and he said, “Because you’re mess-ups.’”

    No one else at MTS mentioned the upcoming move, as far as he remembers. “One morning they just came and got us and drove us to Jefferson City. The first thing I saw was a guy being brought out on a stretcher, dead, with a knife in his stomach. Big muscular guy, a grown man.” He remembers whispering to the others, “We haven’t even gotten into the place yet and they bringing out dead bodies.”

    “That,” he says now, “was when we all decided to stick together.”

    The penitentiary had been branded “the bloodiest 40 acres in America” when a 1954 riot left five men dead, scores of guards injured and seven buildings burned. Nine years later, 3,400 prisoners were jammed inside the Gothic limestone, gun-turreted walls, more than double the number it was built to house. “It was a very dangerous place,” concedes Department of Corrections spokesman Tim Kniest. “It was the only maximum-security prison in the state, so they had nowhere else to send people. Now you can home in on how violent they are, and house the most predatory together. But back then they had barely any classifications.” In 1963, the year these boys arrived, three adult inmates were murdered within 24 hours, prompting an investigation by Democratic state Rep. Peter J.J. Rabbitt of Shrewsbury. He called the place a “medieval twilight zone,” noting that in the previous 15 months, there had been 212 acts of violence serious enough to require hospital treatment.

    “They put us all in H Hall,” resumes Wainwright, “but they split us kids up. It was damp and real dark in there, like a cave, and at first I thought they were putting me in an empty cell. I was thinking, “OK, OK, I’m all right.’” Then his eyes adjusted to the 25-watt bulb, and he saw the outline of an older man’s hunched shoulders. Nicknamed “Undertaker,” his new cellmate was probably middle-aged, but to Wainwright he “seemed like an ancient old dude, some fossil sitting there in the dark. He started telling me all these stories, ’cause he’d been there before, back in the ’40s. He told me, “You’re gonna have to fight while you’re here.’ And he kind of looked out for me when they come in with that sexual shit. I wasn’t gonna be no punk (the prison term for a submissive homosexual partner). I had too many fights at Boonville about that shit.”

    Wainwright didn’t have much time to get to know Joseph at Boonville, but necessity soon made them good friends. Wainwright remembers the younger boy as “kind of funny, just a little nerdy kid. We called him Shorty. He was the thinker. He kept us from doing really crazy shit, said, “We can’t never get out if we do that!’”

    According to Department of Corrections records, the boys spent about a month at the pen, then were transferred again. “By the time (President John) Kennedy was killed, we were all shoveling coal at Algoa,” recalls Wainwright. Eight miles east of Jefferson City on the loamy bank of the Missouri River, Algoa was the young men’s reformatory, intended for inmates ages 17-25. The prison farm comprised 776 acres of state-owned land, dotted with a Holstein dairy herd and streaked with the muddy tracks of five bloodhounds trained to track escapees. “‘Goa was actually worse,” says Wainwright, “because it was a lot of young guys, 20, 21 years old. The older guys at the pen were more inclined to look past you.

    “They had fields where you worked,” he recalls. “Told me I’d be bucking hay — I said, “I came from the projects — we didn’t even have grass!’” He laughs out loud, still urban to the core. Then he mutters, “I never knew mules could be that mean. But Stanley made things easier, mentally, for the rest of us. Like shoveling coal: He made it into a game, where it was more fun than work. We’d never thought of it like that.

    “Algoa was hard for me, but it was harder for Stanley,” he continues, his voice softening. “I came from a family of religious people. I’d been raised up not to do certain things, and I could tell right away he had, too. Plus, he was not all that aggressive, and he had a harder time because of it.”

    The older inmates who bunked with them in the open dorms were the new enemies. “I kept fighting,” Wainwright says ruefully. “You had to fight, or the adults would use you. And I wasn’t gonna let anybody do that, not if I could help it. Three of us got … mistreated. I’ve always kept that to myself. You kind of felt responsible — we tried to protect each other as much as we could. But we were just kids, man.”

    What Joseph says about Algoa is that he couldn’t sleep there, for fear of dying or being attacked. “I’d go in the bathroom, see a guy bent over and other guys making use out of him like he was a woman. This was going on every day. A guy’d be asleep, his mouth open, snoring, and they would put Magic Shave powder down his throat to choke him. Some of the meanest people I ever met in my life were at Algoa. They would take a 14-year-old kid and run his face into a concrete wall for sport. And if a guy wanted to have sex with a youngster, the guards would arrange a little privacy for them.

    “If you got sent to the hole,” he continues, “you got two slices of bread and a cup of water for every meal, and one real meal at noon every other day. And you could get sent to the hole if your shoelaces were untied, or your bed wasn’t properly made, or you hadn’t shaved that morning. They even made us kids shave, and we didn’t have nothin’ but peach fuzz.”

    Joseph speaks easiest about what the other kids endured — “Junior Man,” for instance, who was transferred from Boonville to Algoa around the same time, in a different batch of African-American “incorrigibles.” In the dead of winter in 1964, Junior Man “was confined in Building No. 6, the disciplinary holding cell — better known as “the hole,’” recalls Joseph. “The hole was a 5-by-7 concrete nightmare — no bunk, no mattress, no clothes except for your underwear. It had a commode, but the controls were outside the cell and it got flushed once every 24 hours. No lights. You sleep on the concrete floor wrapped in the piece of blanket they give you when they lock you in. One very cold night, Junior Man and other children beat on their doors requesting that the heat be turned up. The noise infuriated the guards, so they took water hoses and sprayed water on the naked children until they were soaked. Then they opened the windows.”

    When the story is recounted to Wainwright, he says incredulously, “That was us that got sprayed. We were those children he’s talking about. He don’t remember that?”

    Joseph says it was decades before he let his mind return to Algoa. Then, in 1995, he woke up after a nightmare and remembered “every minute I’d ever spent in Jeff City and Algoa — every name, every crack in the sidewalk. I could count every brick in the wall.”

    Shards of private memory continue to break loose, but Joseph is reluctant to take hold of them publicly because of his adult sons. “I know nothing that happened there was my fault,” he writes finally, after struggling with a list of questions for more than a month. “But I don’t want to say anything that might cast an unacceptably dim light on me in my sons’ eyes. If that light gets any dimmer, I fear I won’t be thought of at all anymore.”

    In the sepia-toned photos taken in the 1890s, the Missouri Training School for Boys looks like a cross between a Southern military college and a particularly nice insane asylum. Set amid rolling hills and embarrassingly lush orchards, the brick buildings imply restraint, discipline and order. In 1933, a MTS Plant and Needs report described them with a candor that comes only when capital improvements are being sought: “Most of them have good lines and from outside have a dignified and restful effect. Inside they are bleak, bare, unlivable.”

    That report probably won the buildings, at best, a paint job. But with the establishment of the Board of Training Schools in 1948, the institution’s punitive tone did soften, at least in theory. Emphasis now fell on education — which meant that troublemakers had to be plucked from the ranks. Alas, there were no alternative residences for “hardcore” juveniles, and under Missouri’s indeterminate-sentence law, these kids had to be kept until they turned 21 or could be pronounced reformed. So the staff began deciding who the “incorrigibles” were, then shipping them off to adult prisons with neither charge nor hearing.

    In 1967, four years after Joseph’s group was transferred, reporters and legislators began to scrutinize MTS, which was then crowding nearly 600 children into a facility built for 350. “It’s not a rehabilitation center like it should be,” State Rep. E.J. “Lucky” Cantrell (D-Breckenridge Hills) told the St. Louis GlobeDemocrat (July 22, 1967). Then he added, with unwitting irony, “I’d say it’s almost as bad as if the kids were put in the state penitentiary.”

    Cantrell, who still lives in St. Louis (and who was himself convicted of embezzling union funds in 1990), says he was never told about the practice of transferring “incorrigibles” to adult institutions. Yet as chair of the House appropriations committee, he spent considerable time at MTS, bringing a fact-finding team to investigate disturbing reports about the school’s operations. “A lot of the kitchen help were kids from the facility,” he recalls, “and kitchen duty was punishment, so they would spike the food — urinate in it, spit in it. The dormitories were overpopulated; they didn’t have enough staff to properly discipline the kids; and their methods — they’d put ’em on work details that were degrading, for an excessive amount of time, for some small infraction. It was … chaotic. I also saw several kids whose problems seemed to be mental, not behavioral.”

    After photos of cots jammed 2 inches apart hit the newspapers, public officials began saying MTS should be replaced by smaller schools so that intensive counseling (the great new hope) could replace uselessly harsh punishment. “Courts are apparently using the institution only as a last resort,” reported the St. Louis Globe-Democrat on Dec. 18, 1967, noting that in the preceding year, the average number of juveniles sent to MTS each month had dropped from 48 to 26. There had been no corresponding decline in the juvenile crime rate; instead, it had jumped 30 percent. But judges were refusing to send kids to Boonville. They complained about inadequate aftercare, and, indeed, MTS had only 12 placement officers to supervise 800 boys on parole. But W.E. Sears, the director of training schools, quickly pointed out that Boonville had no place to segregate the older troublemakers from the younger boys they were trying to rehabilitate.

    For those “troublemakers,” there were “adjustment units”: 14 small, dingy cells — no mattresses because the boys would tear them up, no ventilation to move the foul air. Two of these cells had no beds or bathrooms; they were reserved for youngsters “who go berserk,” an officer told the Globe, whose reporter investigated further and found a 15-year-old who’d violated an institutional regulation locked in an adjustment unit simply because the other cells were filled.

    Bureaucrats made noises about reform, but nothing much happened — until one of the boys transferred from Boonville filed a lawsuit.

    Back in April 1966, 14-year-old Frank Allen Boone had been found “delinquent by reason of petty larceny and trespass” and sent to Boonville. MTS records indicate that he was a “Negro.” They also say that in late July, “as the boys were going downstairs to change clothes for church, Frank was involved in a fight.” The school’s Classification Committee promptly recommended that he be transferred, “should his aggressive and assaultive behavior continue.” In September, Boone “created a disturbance in the dormitory after bedtime” and “threw pillows at the supervisor when another boy turned off the lights.” The Classification Committee again recommended transfer, calling him the “ringleader” in “gang activities.”

    Despite the request, Boone stayed at MTS through the winter of 1967. Then a more serious incident was logged: A staff member said that some of the boys said Boone had tried to force them into sodomy. On Feb. 3, the committee voted unanimously to transfer him, saying “all efforts have failed” and insisting he be kept in restriction until he was transferred.

    Boone was sent to Algoa, transferred to Moberly, transferred to the Missouri State Penitentiary. From there he wrote Phillip Fishman, then a 28-year-old lawyer with the St. Louis Legal Aid Society. Fishman opened the pencil-scrawled, misspelling-riddled letter — and decided to take the case.

    Judge James T. Riley of Cole County sat through Fishman’s arguments, asked, “Do you have anything more?” and waited. When Fishman said, “No, Your Honor,’ Riley pounded his gavel. “You lose.”

    Fishman appealed to the Missouri Supreme Court. “One week after the appeal was lodged,” he says, “I got a telegram saying the court had taken the matter on en banc (all nine judges would hear the case) and sped up the calendar.” Why the urgency? “The significant issues,” Fishman retorts. “There were 37 other kids in the penitentiary who didn’t belong there.”

    Boone’s lawsuit named a long list of state corrections officials, including John C. Danforth, Missouri’s attorney general at the time, as the formal representative of the Department of Corrections. Danforth was only nominally involved and says he doesn’t remember the case, but he cosigned a brief arguing that Boone’s case was moot because he had been released from the penitentiary; that the Legislature hadn’t provided enough resources to handle incorrigibles within the system; and that “something has to be done to isolate these incorrigibles from the others.”

    Fishman had great fun responding, using everything from related U.S. Supreme Court precedents to common sense (“How do you send a kid to the penitentiary for a pillow fight?”). On Feb. 8, 1971, the Missouri Supreme Court found “administrative transfer” unconstitutional, calling it “a denial of equal protection and due process.” Writing the majority opinion, Justice James A. Finch Jr. added that the Board of Training Schools had exceeded its authority by sending juveniles to institutions where the juvenile court could never have placed them.

    The decision was close — a 5-4 split — and it set an important legal precedent nationwide. Missouri wasn’t the only state transferring “incorrigibles”: Iowa, Tennessee and several other states followed the same practice (although their criteria for incorrigibility may have differed). Massachusetts, on the other hand, expressly forbade it, and at least seven other states required a judicial hearing before such a transfer. Because the U.S. Supreme Court had yet to address the question of constitutionality, other states avidly read the Missouri Supreme Court decision, which stopped the practice cold.

    No one mentioned the odd coincidence that, although Boonville’s population was reportedly more white than black, the boys branded “incorrigible” were nearly always black. (Disproportional punishments continue: In California, researchers recently found that minority youth were much more likely than white youth to be transferred to adult courts and more likely to be sentenced to prison for comparable crimes.)

    At MTS, Wainwright says, “They used to send white kids into T Company (a dormitory building for black boys) when they wanted to punish them, but they never transferred them.” Joseph vividly remembers one white boy getting transferred to Algoa: “He became one of us. We were all just kids, and we had to stick together.”

    Joseph also remembers hearing the MTS staff rail about the civil-rights protests gathering strength across the nation and says “they made no attempt to hide or repress their racist ideologies.” The staff was predominantly white (183 of 200 employees), and five of the six board members had been criticized since the late ’60s as rural white old-timers, clueless about the racial tensions of urban life.

    After the Supreme Court decision, half the MTS board was asked to resign, and the short sentence about transferring “incorrigibles” was deleted from the standard MTS entry in Missouri’s Official Manual. By September of 1971, Danforth was urging the immediate closing of MTS and the abolition of its board, proposing “a new philosophy” that would bring the kids back home and place them under probationary supervision.

    Meanwhile, Fishman was still trying to reach Boone, to send him a copy of the victory. Before the case concluded, the boy had been released from prison, and all Fishman had was the prison address from his original letter. “He never did write to say thank you or anything,” notes the lawyer, sounding hurt.

    Maybe he never knew the case had been tried and won, suggests Wainwright, who had never known there was a Supreme Court case. Trying to absorb the news, he asks over and over, “Why didn’t anybody ever tell us? Nobody ever said anything to me about it until now. Why didn’t anybody tell us?”

    In 1973, a full decade after Joseph’s and Wainwright’s incarceration, the Board of Training Schools was asked to develop a comprehensive strategy for Missouri’s delinquent youth. The resulting Confidential State Plan said that although “traditional training schools may have at one time been effective,” they could no longer meet the needs of a complex society. The Plan applauded MTS staff for realizing, back in 1967 when there were 692 boys at MTS, that many “were being damaged beyond any possibility of emotional repair” and setting out to find alternatives.

    In other words, they’d shaved their population down to 150 boys. Now, the plan was recommending that Boonville be “phased out.” Group homes began opening across the state, siphoning the boys from Boonville.

    Ironically, the place had never run better. “They’d gotten rid of the more hardcore youth, sent them to the Department of Corrections, and started doing more treatment,” explains Glenwood Einspahr, who came in 1970 as assistant director. “Our average age was 15.8, average length of stay was less than six months, and there were never more than 200 boys there at a time. The old methods — the old behavior modification with token reinforcement — were phased out.” Instead, the state contracted with Positive Peer Culture, a group-therapy program developed in New Jersey. Soon there were “cottage treatment teams,” and if kids got into fights, “it was the group’s responsibility to hold ’em down. They were taught how to restrain somebody without hurting him, until he got himself in check.”

    With fights neutralized, what were the new criteria for transferring a boy to the penitentiary? “Well, you’d have to refer ’em back to the courts, and that never happened very much,” says Einspahr. “In fact, after the group-therapy program came in, I can’t remember that ever happening.”

    Ten years later, MTS had obediently phased itself out of existence and Boonville had become an adult correctional facility.

    Had Joseph and Wainwright been born a decade later, they might never have seen the inside of the state pen, or the likes of Donald “D.W.” Wyrick, the legendary figure who strode its halls from 1959-1985. Wyrick had grown up rough on a rocky farm in the Ozark hills, in a little town called Tuscumbia on the Osage River. His dad was a bootlegger, and Wyrick saw “a lot of stabbing and killing back in those hills. It was a way of life.” He saw more of the same when he played banjo in honky-tonks — and then he saw a new kind of combat, disciplined and procedural, when he steered amphibious landing craft onto the beach of Guadalcanal at the end of World War II.

    Wyrick thrived in the Army and sorely missed its regimentation. Then one day he played a baseball game inside the prison walls, sensed the same kind of structured intensity and decided he might like working there. Starting as a guard, he rose to become warden, then the director of the division of adult institutions, and he remembers plenty of teenagers come through in the late ’60s and early ’70s. “Fourteen- and 15-year olds? Sure. Some were as young as 7 and 8. A big bunch of my inmates came from Boonville. A lot of ’em didn’t have any family life to speak of. The teachers couldn’t do anything with ’em, the truant officer couldn’t do anything with ’em, and then I got ’em, and I was supposed to straighten ’em out in two years.”

    Did the 1971 Supreme Court decision change anything? “Yeah, they had to have another hearing and all that. I didn’t pay that much attention to it.” Were the kids a problem, mixed into adult population? “They’d been around. They were as tough as the old-timers were; they could take care of themselves.”

    Wyrick was tough himself, paternalistic, as impulsive as the inmates and often surprisingly fond of them. His initials were carved by inmates into a handmade leather wallet he carried for 16 years; his full name appeared in scores of brutality lawsuits. He used to bring his kids to the pen for piggyback rides on the inmates’ broad shoulders; he also brought his dog, a German shepherd-Doberman mix named Hitler by his first owner. Wyrick never changed the name. “Never had a thought of fear in my life,” he remarks, describing with relish the time he was taken hostage in the prison yard. “Sept. 19, 1959, 1:30 p.m. I’d been watching these three or four inmates moving from person to person, and then I saw ’em digging something out of the ground. I went to a couple other officers and said, “Let’s go get those guys and shake ’em down.’ They said, “Wait till they do something,’ but I wasn’t gonna.”

    He went after one of the men, and three others emerged to block him. “One put a straight razor under my jaw, one put a big knife in my ribs, and Rollie Laster put a homemade gun against my back. He and six other guys had gotten life for killing an inmate, a snitch, in the 1954 riot; they caved his head in with a sledgehammer. Rollie’d kill you in a flat minute. In later years we got to be friends, though. He’d aged, mellowed — I saw it happen hundreds of times.

    “Anyway, the tower officers saw what was happening, and two or three guys came down with shotguns, shot a couple of ’em all to hell. One of ’em, I took care of him myself, knocked his teeth out. He picked ’em up and put ’em in his pocket. That’s the way things were in those days.”

    In just one year, Wyrick was promoted and sent to the dining hall, a hot spot prone to riots. “One day I saw a man come in with a rolled-up newspaper,” he recalls. “I made a mental note to remind him, after the meal, that newspapers weren’t allowed. And then I saw him pull out a meat cleaver, walk over to an inmate who’d threatened to kill him, and slice straight down into his head, then again crosswise, quartering it.

    “What people don’t know is, a lot of times in prison, it’s kill or be killed,” he finishes. “People have lost their lives over a pack of cigarettes in there.” Wainwright uses almost the same words: “I’ve seen people get their necks broke over a fuckin’ pack of cigarettes.” A bitter rage coils beneath the second man’s words, but for Wyrick, trying to thwart the violence was “kind of a game. You had to use every trick you could think of. We would never knowingly let two homosexuals live in the same cell, but what I did do — and I was criticized for it — I’d let their punk move next door.” Then, if Wyrick needed information about drugs or a violent incident, he’d move the guy away in the middle of the night.

    He also used what he calls “the carrot and the stick,” improving recreational programs, food, health care, education and visits. Gradually, the violence ratc

  • GRANDPA’S A GONER

    One real concern about the sale of the 15 local Grandpa’s stores was the fate of its employees, particularly a few of those who are, for lack of a better phrase, mentally handicapped. Owner Tom Holley says the stores made such hires in a “de facto” manner without an official policy with set goals, calling it a practice that was “more philosophic than specific.” Overall, Holley says, he doesn’t expect people to lose their jobs, because the man who ran the Grandpa’s stores for Holley, a “man of great integrity,” will operate the region for Value City. Admitting that it’s “hard to get people to work at $7-$8 an hour in big numbers,” Holley says what made the deal attractive to Value City was Grandpa’s “competent and dedicated workforce.” Holley has assurances that employees will keep their jobs. He says he had other opportunities to sell to companies that would “close stores and not use people” but that “we didn’t get far down that track.” Holley says he bailed out on Grandpa’s because it was a rarity, a discount chain that wasn’t regional. “Any growth was very problematic from a capital and strategic perspective,” Holley says, adding it would have been hard to expand to Kansas City or Chicago. The liquidation sale at the 15 local stores should last until the end of the year. So the year that saw the Arena blown up will also see the last Grandpa’s shut down. Sic transit Pidgeon’s.

    Give us your feedback by e-mailing “Short Cuts” at shortcuts@rftstl. com, faxing 314-615-6716 or calling 314-615-6711.

  • PSYCHIC STEALING

    Most experiences with psychics, whether at a psychic fair or a psychic house party, are fun, droll, hopeful, but likely viewed as a lark — not something that might worm its way into your head and fester like gangrene. The experience of Tina and her mother was not a lark.

    One day in May 1997, 19-year-old Tina found a flier on her windshield. “Sister White,” it read. “Psychic Readings. Advice on Business, Marriage and Love Affairs. Bring your problems to me — I will help solve them.” The flier, which featured small pictures of an open red palm and a disembodied hand holding a set of playing cards, gave an address on Butler Hill Road in South County. Tina had never been to a fortune-teller, but the flier intrigued her. It had been just three months since her father, only 43, had died suddenly of a heart attack — and Tina was still searching for an answer, hoping someone could pull back the curtain and explain. She went to see Sister White. At first, the visit was unremarkable.

    “I felt comfortable,” she recalls. “The office was neat and carpeted. There was a big-screen TV in the waiting area.” Sister White — a small woman in her early 50s with dark hair and dark eyes — appeared. There were open sores on her face and neck, about the size of quarters, as if the skin had been chafed with sandpaper. “We went into a backroom, and she took my hands and gave me a reading,” Tina says. “It lasted 15-20 minutes. (It was) nothing exciting.”

    Tina then told Sister White about her father and asked the fateful question: “Is my dad all right?”

    At this point, says Tina, Sister White’s demeanor took a turn. “She said she got a “bad feeling’ about my father. She said he had been cursed by somebody our family knew, someone jealous of him. She kept saying “curse’ and that our family had been put under a spell. I was mesmerized and scared by all this. I wondered if this was another side to why my father passed away.” The woman told Tina she needed to bring in her mother to “talk about this curse.” She was emphatic about that. But Tina’s mother, Kathy, 42 years old and newly widowed, was not keen on talking to a psychic about her dead husband.

    Tina won out, however, and two days after Tina’s initial visit, mother and daughter went back to the neat modern office on Butler Hill Road. Kathy went in by herself while Tina stayed in the waiting area. In the course of her reading, Sister White again gave dire warnings of a curse on the family. But this time, she got specific: The curse was on her husband’s lifetime earnings — once he had reached $500,000, a “deadline” would be met, and he was destined to cash out. Permanently. But the curse was still in effect, explained Sister White, the money still tainted. Unless something was done, Kathy and her daughters would suffer the consequences. It would tear them apart.

    Over the next two months, Kathy would become intimately involved with Sister White. She began going on her own, as many as a dozen times, more frequently than even Tina knew. “She would come home very upset, scared to death,” recalls Tina. “She cried every night.”

    One day, Tina says, Sister White told Kathy to come into the bedroom in the rear of the office. She instructed Kathy to remove her clothing and lie on the bed. Kathy did. An egg, a cloth and some other things had been placed on a dresser. Sister White rolled the egg around on Kathy’s abdomen. She talked of removing the bad spirits that had collected inside Kathy. Then, says Tina, Sister White took the egg — which, like a superabsorbent paper towel, had supposedly sopped up all the icky psychic residue — and “when she cracked it open, there was black stuff inside.”

    Other exercises that Sister White required of Kathy included stuffing as much as $2,000 cash in her clothing; sleeping with large amounts of cash in her bed; and collecting a picture of her husband, along with his work clothes and shoes, and burying the items in the frontyard with the shoes facing the house. That was two years ago. As far as Tina knows, the mundane talismans are still there.

    THE CITY OF ST. LOUIS DOESN’T TOLERATE SISTER WHITE or any of her mystic cohorts. Interestingly, lawmakers validated psychic activity long ago by prohibiting it. The city’s “Seer Law,” city ordinance 15.86.010 (circa 1912), actually prohibits “foretelling knowledge of future events of another’s life or affairs.” Violating the ordinance is a misdemeanor offense.

    Thanks to the ordinance, all practitioners of the “crafty” arts hang their shingles (neon signs, in some cases) outside the city limits. And although it’s likely that many are doing business, by word-of-mouth and personal reference, a check of the Southwestern Bell Yellow Pages under “Psychics & Mediums” shows 33 listings. Most are national hotlines with a get-acquainted 800 number leading to a pay-per-reading 900 number. Among these are celebrity-endorsed psychic readers, including LaToya Jackson’s Psychic Network, Connie Francis Love Enhancement Psychic Line and Brigitte Nielsen’s Witches of Salem: “Talk live to authentic witches. If you enjoy talking to psychics, you’re ready for the next level. You’re ready for witches.”

    Six years ago, then-28th Ward Ald. Dan McGuire tried to repeal the ban on fortune-telling in the city. “Some constituents wanted to operate a pushcart at Union Station,” he recalls, “selling horoscopes, and when they went to get a business license, they were told, “Sorry, you can’t do that.’” McGuire says he didn’t see the harm in such an enterprise, and he attempted to persuade his fellow aldermen to permit a bit of harmless chicanery. It was not to be. Says McGuire, now director of the Department of Parks, Recreation and Forestry, “Some of my Catholic colleagues were quite opposed to lifting the ordinance, (Ald. Michael) Sheehan in particular, and the proposed repeal was voted down.”

    If you call yourself a parapsychologist, you can get around the ordinance. The Rev. H.B. Woolcock, 88, a “God-Sent Man from Jamaica” who claims to have a Ph.D., has kept offices on North Grand since 1956. Judging by the lingo in his regular ads in the Evening Whirl, he offers the same sorts of services as would a psychic: “Are you becoming uninterested in THIS LIFE? UNHAPPY MOST OF THE TIME? Do you know the CAUSE? Do you feel at times that there are STRANGE forces holding you back? Do you “see things’ “hear voices’ or feel haunted by the DEAD?” But the Rev. Woolcock’s approach seems to be more Norman Vincent Peale — “Power of Mind, Rightly Directed,” his motto — than the mystical stylings of a Sister White or even a Papa George, the Haitian worker of spells who routinely advertises in this newspaper. The upshot of all this is that the Rev. Woolcock has a St. Louis business license for his Parapsychological Counseling Service.

    Of the local practitioners listed in the phone book are several who claim to be “genuine,” “92% accurate” and “nationally recognized.” Given all of these claims, how does one go about shopping for a psychic? All there is to go on are their business cards, promotional brochures and ads in such New Age fishwraps as Pathfinder. And such variety! To be truly flummoxed, try to taxonomize today’s hodgepodge of mystic dilettantes. The veritable Pandora’s Box of characters includes intuitive consultants, psychic readers, astrologer/psychics, tarot readers, iridologists, numerologists, stone wrappers, aura readers, psychometrists and medium/ channelers. To further complicate matters, a strand comprising disparate practices and beliefs — hypnosis, miracles, Sufism, angels, shamanism, UFOs, therapeutic massage, feng shui, Morris dancing — seems to run through it all like some cosmic twine.

    There are the touchy-feely, bathed-in-light, ultrasensitive psychics who work out of New Age salons such as Mystic Valley and Pathways. (“I can’t talk to you anymore,” one flustered woman uttered during an interview. “My energy doesn’t blend with your energy.”) And then there are the old-school, evil-eye, fortune-teller psychics, the ones with the sign of the red palm out front who usually employ titles — often quasi-religious — such as “Madam,” “Sister,” “Reverend” or “Mrs.” before their surnames. Members of the Adams family — no, not Gomez and Morticia; that’s the Addams Family — fall in this category, police say. Among these Adamses is Laura Adams, who as Sister White preyed on Kathy and Tina.

    This Adams family has been locally active as psychics at least since 1975, when Dorothy Adams was arrested for attempted theft by deception. That case was dropped when the victims declined to pursue prosecution. She was arrested again on the same charges a year later; again, the victim or victims declined to press charges. But in 1985, after a nine-month investigation by undercover officers, four psychics operating out of their St. Louis County homes were rounded up, and this time the charges stuck. The arrested psychics were telling people they had problems or conditions that they really didn’t have, from hexes to cancer, then accepting payment for “solving” these problems. According to news accounts at the time, one victimized family had paid one of the fortune-tellers about $1,000 for her services. “One daughter, who had complained of headaches, was told that she had cancer, which would be cured if she paid $150 and bathed in salt water,” the St. Louis Post- Dispatch reported.

    Three of the women who were arrested were members of the Adams family: Dolly Adams, who did business as the Rev. Mother Taylor on Page Avenue in Pagedale; her daughter, Theresa Adams, who did business as the Rev. Mother Tina on Natural Bridge Road in Bel-Ridge; and the irrepressible Dorothy Adams, operating as the Rev. Hilton in a big white house on Watson Road in unincorporated St. Louis County, just west of the St. Louis city limits. Though boarded up and vacant these last 14 years, the property on Watson — now a pigeon hotel — is still registered to Dorothy Adams in High Pointe, N.C.

    It’s unclear how Laura Adams, who declined numerous invitations to comment on this story, is related to the other Adams women, but police are confident “Sister White” is part of the large group of affiliated, and sometimes nefarious, fortune-tellers. “It’s almost like a big network,” says St. Louis County Police Detective Kevin Cavanaugh, who was in on the Sister White bunco investigation from start to finish. “They’re all intermingled, but it’s hard to say who’s into who.” Paul D’Agrosa, the lawyer who represented Laura Adams, also isn’t sure how all the Adamses are related. “I don’t even to this day understand the relationship, whether they’re related by marriage, by blood or both.”

    Madam Mae, a longtime palmist in the Wellston Loop, was no fan of the Adamses. “Granny used to call them up and curse them out — she could curse like a sailor — for stealing her cut,” says Phyllis, Mae’s granddaughter, who has taken over the business since the passing of Mae in 1989 at age 92. A “cut” was what Madam Mae called her topographical map of the palm, which she had used in advertising since her traveling-carnival days as Madam Mezola. Never mind that she did not have a copyright on the old symbol — the Adams had no call to appropriate it for their own ads in the weekly papers.

    Elizabeth LeJeunesse, a former parapsychologist and psychic consultant who now runs a center for abused women, has also observed the Adamses over time. “I’ve watched those women for 20 years,” she says. “They’ve been very much around, working under different names at different times at different locations. They’ve always skirted the law, and they’ve always had a lawyer.”

    Their M.O., says LeJeunesse, is to “take a minimum amount of information — the rings on the fingers, the kind of car (a client is) driving — and extrapolate a maximum of data. They’ll do a “cold reading’ — that is, they make a general statement, watch for the reaction, and go from there. Some of these readers are so powerful in their convictions, they can make someone believe they really are under a dreadful spell, and the reason he can’t get his girlfriend back or can’t get an erection or can’t hold a job is because of this spell. For a price, they will burn so many candles to lift this spell, and of course their candles are the only ones that work. Once they’ve got their tentacles in you, it can be addictive, this need for advice, direction. Some people can’t even pick a restaurant without consulting their psychics — just incredible! And these poor, gullible people who come to depend on their psychics are just as addicted as any heroin junkie. I don’t know that these Adams people are psychic, but they’re very shrewd businesswomen, and they’ve made a ton of money.”

    Kathy Worley, a professional psychic located in West County, says she has heard several tales about the Adamses: “You ready for this one? One of my regular clients suddenly stopped coming, and about a year-and-a-half later she called to explain. She said, “Kathy, I feel guilty telling you this, but I went to another psychic out on St. Charles Rock Road, and she told me there’d been a curse put on me and that I could get my boyfriend back if I gave her money.’ It turned out she had given this psychic almost $2,000, and this woman makes minimum wage. Then she said, “Kathy, she also told me that you put a curse on me and that I should stay away from you, and that’s why I haven’t been around.’

    “Well, what the reader was afraid of is that I would tell this poor woman the truth, that she was being ripped off,” says Worley. “I have heard countless stories — how they make snakes come out of eggs, turn eggs rotten. What they do is switch the eggs. Oh, they do terrible things to people who are going through vulnerable times. It just makes you sick. What I don’t get is how when one human being sees another human being is in a lot of pain, they not only dupe them, give false hope, but they take their money, too. I just tell people that if you see the red palm, or if they have a lot of religious articles around them, or they say there’s a curse put on you, run like hell, because basically they’ll rob you blind.”

    SISTER WHITE DIDN’T ASK KATHY FOR money until the seventh visit. At that time, says Tina, “she needed as much money as Mom could bring to her. In cash — it had to be in cash. She was going to pray over this money, bless it and remove the curse once and for all.” Kathy offered the figure of $20,000. Sister White insisted that that sum was not enough. Says Tina, “Mom said she told her that the more cash she brought, the better this thing would work. Sister White said it was a very deep-rooted curse.”

    The plan devised by Sister White was simple enough: Go to the bank; withdraw cash; first bring it to their home (where Kathy would “meditate on it” for a period), then bring it to Sister White. The psychic, says Tina, had assured Kathy that she was not going to take any of the money — just perform some incantations on it and give it back.

    “She lied,” says Tina, ruefully.

    Tina and Kathy went to the bank and took out $82,000 in cash, about half of the family’s life savings. They went into one of those counting rooms that you see in the movies. “There were stacks of bills lying everywhere,” says Tina. “I remember thinking, “This is my college tuition — what are we doing?’” They boxed the money up and brought it to the car. Kathy’s other three daughters, incidentally, were unaware of what was taking place. “What are those boxes?” they asked as Mom and Sis spirited the cash into Kathy’s room. Later that day, they went to Sister White’s place. Kathy went in with the money; Tina stayed in the car.

    “That was the first time in my life I ever fell asleep in a car,” says Tina, “and an hour-and-a-half later I was awakened by my mom, who was sobbing and saying, “Let’s go, let’s go!’ I asked her, “Where’s our money?’ and she said, “Don’t worry, just go, everything is fixed.’ I don’t know what happened in there, but it was devastating to my mom. Sister White had told my mom that she had to take the money to a church, that she could better pray over it there.” Kathy was told to come back the next day and get the de-cursed stash.

    “Mom went back the next day alone,” says Tina. “Sister White told her, sorry, she had to burn the money. There was too much anger surrounding it. If the money wasn’t destroyed, the family would never again be prosperous.”

    In hindsight, Tina believes that after the first visit Sister White had researched the family through the obituaries. She knew there were four daughters; she knew their names. She suspected, correctly, that Kathy’s husband, an assembly-line worker at the Chrysler plant, had left the family in a healthy financial state.

    Kathy went to the police, but not right away. She had handed half of the family’s life savings to a virtual stranger. It took time for the hurt and anger and embarrassment to set in. Meanwhile, Sister White kept calling: The curse wasn’t quite removed. She exhorted Kathy to return for more sessions — and that was her downfall. Detectives tapped Kathy’s phone and eventually recorded enough incriminating statements to charge Laura Adams with felony theft. She was arrested on Oct. 9, 1997. Bond was set at $5,000. The warrant reads: One count “stealing $750 or more by deceit.” Laura Adams (the name she was charged under) enlisted the legal services of Wolff & D’Agrosa, a well-known Clayton law firm. And during the period between her arrest and her sentencing, the psychic turned to psychiatry.

    On May 27, 1998, Adams was voluntarily admitted to St. Mary’s Health Center by her psychiatrist, Dr. Raymond Knowles (who, interestingly, specializes in helping victims of psychic addiction) with a diagnosis of “major depression with psychotic features.” On July 14, she was readmitted to St. Mary’s with the same diagnosis by the same doctor. On July 30, Laura Adams and her attorney filed a motion to stay proceedings until Adams underwent a court-appointed psychiatric examination and the results could be evaluated. Prosecutors objected to any postponement, noting in a court filing that Adams appeared to “become depressed two to three days prior to the dates she is scheduled to appear in court.”

    Adams eventually pleaded guilty in November 1998, and sentencing was set for February of this year. After months of delaying the inevitable, the fortune-teller finally got her comeuppance. On July 9, Circuit Court Judge Larry Kendrick suspended imposition of a sentence and placed Adams on probation for five years. Adams already had made partial restitution to Kathy to the tune of $40,000, but as a special condition of probation, Kendrick ordered Adams to make the remaining $42,000 restitution payable to Kathy at the rate of $754 per month. That’s a lot of palms to read.

    To Tina, the slap-on-the-wrist sentence amounted to a slap in the face. “I feel like the judicial system failed,” she says. “People get put away two, three years for passing bad checks; she gets off on five years’ probation, pays half the money back and is still practicing her spells. The humiliation and embarrassment this lady put us through will never leave me.”

    Who knows how many other people, trusting and gullible, Sister White has bamboozled? People may be reluctant to come forward out of fear of appearing foolish. One woman, an Indochinese immigrant, alleges that in 1996, one year before Kathy’s ordeal, Sister White took her savings of $36,000 in the very same way. The difference is, the woman never filed a criminal complaint but instead sought to reclaim her money by hiring an attorney and filing a civil lawsuit. Her lawyer, Tim Hogan, says she chose this route because she would be mortified by the spotlight of publicity. That lawsuit, at present, is moving along the judicial conveyor belt.

    Detective Cavanaugh understands this skittishness and believes it’s all the more reason to praise Tina and Kathy for bringing the situation to the attention of police. “You know, a lot of these things don’t ever come to court,” he says. “It’s tough getting the victims to come forward, they’re so embarrassed that it happened in the first place.”

    CHICANERY AMONG PSYCHICS IS HARDLY A new phenomenon. Magician Harry Houdini, in his fervent attempt to communicate with his dead mother, wound up debunking psychics and mediums during the 1920s. It became a public crusade. He was disappointed at the cheap parlor tricks — hidden microphones, “floating” orbs, stage whispers — that passed for the actual thing.

    Seventy years later, Houdini is likely rolling in his grave, because psychics in America seem to be enjoying a new round of popularity. And although there may be fewer “spirit mediums” in the phone book, fewer Ouija boards in the closet, a new kind of psychic — the media-savvy “intuitive consultant” — is insinuating herself in the pop-culture marketplace, she and her sisters popping up like mushrooms after a good downpour. Same old wine in a brand-new bottle? Perhaps, but the demand is intense. Try booking a psychic during the “witching month” of October — it’s like trying to find some red roses on Valentine’s Day. Psychic house parties are certainly in vogue. Ditto psychic fairs and a general embrace of things otherworldly, as the summer’s offering of clairvoyant-witch movies attests.

    At a mini-psychic fair at Mystic Valley, a New Age bookstore, boutique and coffee bar located in the Deer Creek Shopping Plaza in Shrewsbury, sports-radio personality Howard Balzer is in line with all the other believers who were waiting to buy healing crystals, Zen alarm clocks and books on working one’s lower chakras. Mystic Valley, with its incense, bells, chimes and other dingle-dangles hanging from the ceiling, is the kind of place where the Age of Aquarius has not only dawned but is peeking over the rooftops and casting shadows in the backyard. Balzer is there on the overcast Saturday afternoon to buy sage after an out-of-state psychic told him burning the herb would create positive energy (and thereby remove negative energy) around the Rams. It’s sure as hell working — at the time, the team is 3-and-0, soon to be 4-and-0.

    “This was right after Trent Green (the quarterback whose place was assumed by the heralded Kurt Warner) got hurt and people thought the team was cursed,” Balzer explains. “We burned the stuff before the first game, and look what happened. We’ve burned sage before every game, and now we’re on a roll. We talked it up on the show. Now, all sorts of people are burning sage around the Dome before game time, chanting, “You gotta believe.’” At that moment, someone else in line pipes up. “Hey,” she calls, holding up what looks like desiccated weeds, “I’m getting this sage for the game tomorrow, too.”

    “Amazing,” says Balzer. “I’ve started a movement.”

    The event at Mystic Valley is billed as a mini-psychic fair because only six psychics are present — among them a couple of tarot readers; a geomancer, who uses “an old form of divination”; and a person who scans auras with her “third eye” and draws them with colored pencils. Like waiters in a Hollywood restaurant, no one here seems to do just one thing — this one is a tarot reader and medical intuitive, this one a psychic consultant and “rebirther” (for those who didn’t get it right the first time). The readings for this particular event are out in the open, with tables situated in corners of the small store and in the aisles, making it easy to eavesdrop: “I only go six months out,” cautions one. “I see you having lower-back problems,” intones another. “You’re going to be famous,” prognosticates one in a loose, flowing skirt, “I believe in the next few years, possibly due to an act of heroism on your part.”

    “Woo-hoo!” whoops the paying client. She thinks for a second and queries, “But I’ll be all right, won’t I?”

    “It tickles your senses; it’s just another form of entertainment,” says Cate Houlihan, a hairdresser and occasional attendee of psychic fairs. “Basically, you hear what you want to hear. You may think it doesn’t pertain to anything in your life right now, and then something happens down the road, and you think, “Oh, she told me that would happen.’ They tell you positive things; they make you feel good for your $50. It’s like going to a shrink, but it’s cheaper. Sometimes I think that’s all people need, to be told by a total stranger that everything’s going to be OK.”

    Nancy Miller has come to the event with friends and daughter in tow. Miller, a trim, athletic-looking woman in her 40s, says she has been to many clairvoyants and readers — “some uncannily accurate” — and has been “doing tarot” for 25 years and still doesn’t quite comprehend it. Does she follow the leads, the advice of the psychics, steering her life in certain directions because of what they have said? “You don’t take it to heart,” she replies. “It’s kind of a hobby. There’s not a lot of reasoning to this, but there is a lot of spirituality in this.”

    In fact, you hear that over and over from psychic-goers: that readings are to be used as a tool, perhaps to be considered a snapshot preview to looming possibilities. But why do people even want to be told what’s going to happen in their lives? “Added insight,” says Trudy Barr, a hospital technician and self-professed reading junkie. “If someone is at a point where they need to make a choice, this is where psychics and intuition should be added into all the other information they have. It shouldn’t be, “My psychic told me to sell everything I own and invest in ABC stock.’”

    For instance, a psychic supposedly told actress Linda Evans to postpone marrying Yanni; then one of them lost interest and the wedding never happened. “If one of them lost interest, it wasn’t meant to happen,” declares Barr. “You have to use your psychic and your own gut feeling. Like if your best friend says, “Watch out for this guy — he’s a weasel,’ that can be good advice, too, though no one listens,” she chuckles. “I’ve told people things that were just as good as anything they’ve ever gotten in a reading, and 90 percent of it is common sense. You cannot factor out common sense.”

    Though Barr believes that the psychics at Mystic Valley are among the best she’s consulted — “They’re intuitive; they’ve studied their craft and developed their skills” — she is concerned about the current crop of novitiates. When Barr first began seeing psychics, sometime around 1982, the pickings were slim, she says. “They just were not around. You had to know someone, and I happened to find a woman who introduced me to this remarkable society. Once I got interested, I stayed interested. I would get readings from any reader who would hold still.

    “Now, it’s quite different. It’s like psychics are coming out of the woodwork. And I don’t feel that all of them are ready. They may be talented, they may have some ability, but I think they’re rushed into being a “reader’ too soon. You cannot buy a tarot book, a deck of cards, and call yourself a reader any more than you can read a chapter on appendectomy and go do it on somebody.”

    A glance around the store indicates that almost all of the patrons are women. “Women are more inclined to intuition,” Miller hypothesizes. “They feel more; their emotions are on the surface. Men, it’s hard for them to grasp this. Not that they can’t be intuitive,” she adds hastily, “but they don’t have time or inclination to fool with this. In my entire life, I haven’t met a man who thought this was interesting. My husband thinks it’s hogwash.”

    Miller’s husband is not alone. LeJeu-nesse, who patronizes a dry cleaner in Deer Creek Plaza, casts a critical eye on the burgeoning commercial psychic enterprise next door: “You go to Mystic Valley weekdays after noon and watch the women who go in there with high heels and uniforms of the business world, who are looking for advice on their lunch hour and getting this advice from some common housewife with a deck of cards, telling them what to do with their future. My God, it’s frightening and it’s sad.”

    Other observers of the trend see the attraction to psychics as the corollary of a deep-seated need to believe in something. “You can write critically about psychics and mediums all you want,” says the Rev. Woolcock in the dim, dusty confines of his office on North Grand. “These things have always happened and always will happen — oh, you should have seen all the gypsies and fortune-tellers along 42nd Street in New York during the ’50s. You cannot discourage the public from seeing them, because people need something to believe in, and if they can’t get it in church, they know where to go.”

    If a fascination with psychic fairs and the paranormal is on the rise — and judging from the volume of books on subjects ranging from practical witchcraft to locating your spirit guide, it is — Mary McLeod, a saleswoman at Mystic Valley, can understand why: “People are becoming more aware that it’s not just what you see in front of you that makes up life. People come in who have experienced dreams and visions, new sensations, which they’re curious about, and they are feeling more free to ask and to understand. Then they see there are so many ways to seek out these answers. Some want to erase old patterns, become better people or get closer to God. But I think ultimately what they all want is a greater perception on life.”

    Peter R. Phillips, professor emeritus of physics at Washington University and a member of the Society for Scientific Exploration, a professional forum for debate on topics outside mainstream science, believes some people may have psychic ability, though he concedes his is not a widely held view among scientists. “You talk to most scientists and you get the response that there’s no good evidence for psychic ability and that sensible people should not believe in these things. On the other hand, there is a minority of scientists, including me, who believe that there is strong evidence for at least some of these phenomena.”

    “We’re trying to establish the truth,” says Phillips. “There’s no omnipotent figure who is going to hand us the truth, and so we have to work it out between ourselves, and we just disagree on controversial issues like these.”

    Jerry LeClerc, a licensed professional counselor in Clayton, agrees that leaving open the doors of perception, even a crack, cannot hurt and may even help. “There are many things I can’t explain that seem to come from some other form of energy,” he says, “and there are some people, who seem to be in all ways reliable, who talk about their dreams’ being very meaningful and predictive. I’ve had clients who meditate to improve their mind. Previous to doing this, they said, “I don’t see the value in this exercise,’ but after they have meditated for some time, they then say, “I don’t see how I could not have done this.’ The same observation is there for psychic ability: that if I look at it as a serious thing, a possibility, maybe I would see something. But if I’m looking with skeptical eyes, I might not see it, I might not experience it. I may not click in. Like people who come to a hypnotist and have no belief in hypnosis more often than not will not be hypnotized. Just because you can’t prove something doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist.”

    AMONG THE SKEPTICS, THE GUYS AT THE Shell station on Butler Hill Road guffaw at the mention of Sister White. Across the street stand her former digs, a modest white frame building, neat as a pin, now serving as a realty office. Ask what became of her, and they’ll say, “Why, she moved out after she

  • BODY OF EVIDENCE

    The window tables at the Casa Gallardo restaurant on St. Charles Rock Road don’t ordinarily offer much of a view — a couple of bushes and a yucca plant surrounded by rocks in a small landscaped strip. But around noon one steamy Thursday, two TWA flight attendants walked in for lunch and were seated at the window table overlooking the bushes. Something caught their attention amid the greenery, peeking out from beneath the yucca plant.

    It was a human skull.

    It wasn’t the pearly color of an anatomy-class specimen or haunted-house prop. It was a shade of ocher, with bits of dirt lodged between its teeth. The face of the skull, jawbone askew, was aimed directly at the window on the building’s east side.

    Whether the flight attendants ever finished their lunch is unclear. The discovery was so startling and strange, one of the women thought it must be a prank. She called the manager over and pointed it out. Worried that other patrons might lose their appetites, the manager immediately pulled down the blinds, then called the Bridgeton police. It was 12:47 p.m. on June 28, 1990.

    It wasn’t a prank. Within the hour, crime-scene investigators were taking photographs, and the skull was sent to the St. Louis County medical examiner’s office. An anthropologist concluded that the bones were of “recent origin” and bore markings more consistent with an adult female than a male. Not much more could be determined.

    Walter Mutert, now Bridgeton’s police chief, remembers that the source of the skull was a mystery. At the time, a lot of digging was going on near Lambert International Airport, including the wholesale moving of cemeteries to make way for MetroLink, he notes. “There were problems with that airport cemetery, with remains coming up.

    “There was no reason to believe at that time there was any foul play,” Mutert says. “There was nothing for us to go by.”

    Police classified the case as “found human remains.” The cranium and jawbone were stored on a shelf at the county morgue, a skull with no name.

    In the 5-by-7-inch photograph, 27-year-old Linda Sue Sherman grins at the camera. Her head is cocked to the side, and her brown hair has the sort of long, layered look so popular in the mid-1980s. She’s wearing a blue turtleneck with eyeshadow to match.

    She was born in 1957 and spent her entire life in North St. Louis County, growing up on Dadebridge Court in Ferguson and attending McCluer High School, never straying far from the area she called home. Outgoing and athletic, Linda was the youngest daughter of Walter and Elenora Lutz — carpenter and homemaker — a churchgoing couple determined to see each of their children receive at least a high-school diploma.

    Linda almost didn’t graduate. She was 17 and pregnant when she exchanged vows with McCluer High classmate Donald Sherman during a small ceremony at Christ Memorial Baptist Church in Cool Valley on Feb. 10, 1975. The wedding wasn’t fancy. Linda wore a blue dress with a high neck and poufed sleeves. The groom sported a turtleneck sweater beneath his powder-blue jacket. They celebrated with their guests afterward at Noah’s Ark Restaurant in St. Charles.

    The newlyweds continued to attend McCluer High while renting a house next door to Linda’s parents, and Don, a senior, graduated a few months later. After giving birth to a daughter, Patricia Marie, in August, during her summer break, Linda began her final year of high school while her mother watched the baby. They called the little girl Patty.

    Don Sherman says those early years weren’t easy. The couple struggled to make ends meet while raising a child. Linda worked a few part-time jobs — altering suits at Sears, key-punching at Site Oil Co. — before settling into work in data entry. He worked briefly as an assistant manager at a gas station before becoming a machinist — a career he has stayed with ever since.

    One of Linda’s older brothers, Dennis Lutz, remembers trouble in the Sherman marriage. “I know they moved in next door to my mom and dad, and I know there was a lot of conflict at that point,” he says. “Her husband, Don, was a very jealous person. He didn’t even want her talking to people — other guys, that is.” Although Dennis moved to San Antonio, he saw Linda when he returned home for visits. “When we were home, we kinda did things together,” Lutz says. “He was even jealous about that. I said, “This is my sister. We’re going to go have lunch together.’ He would just have a fit.”

    By October 1977, the Shermans were separated, and Linda filed for divorce. She wanted custody of their daughter and the couple’s marital property: an assortment of furniture, some dishes and silverware, a sewing machine, a black-and-white television. Linda didn’t follow through with the divorce. In March 1979, a judge dismissed the petition for “failure to prosecute,” a legal term for lack of activity in the case.

    That same year, Linda and Don Sherman reconciled, and the young couple bought a modest five-room brick bungalow on a quiet dead-end street in Vinita Park, a small bedroom community of middle-class, mostly blue-collar families.

    In the early 1980s, while the couple struggled to make their home — and their relationship — work, Linda suffered a miscarriage and afterward was told she had epilepsy. She suffered from seizures, and, because of her health problems, says Don Sherman, the couple decided they would have no more children.

    Their marriage continued to have problems. In 1982, Linda moved out again, this time into an apartment in St. Ann, taking 7-year-old Patty with her. Apparently tensions between the couple had escalated. In September of that year, Linda filed for an order of protection against her husband, claiming he had threatened her and Patty and had “tampered” with her car. She described Don as “mentally unstable,” adding that he had threatened to take his own life “and possibly that of my daughter and myself.”

    Don Sherman admits an “instance” with his wife’s car. “The vehicle was in my name,” he says. “I just disabled it so it couldn’t be driven.” But he says those memories are too old to recall in detail. “I’m not sure what my reasoning was then. It was a long time ago.”

    A judge granted the order of protection and also ordered Don to pay $20 a week in child support.

    That separation didn’t last, either. Within a month, Linda notified the court that another reconciliation was in the works and that the protective order was “no longer necessary.”

    “Please acknowledge the fact that my husband, Donald E. Sherman, and myself, Linda S. Sherman, are presently working things out,” Linda wrote the judge on Oct. 21, 1982.

    Not long after the couple’s 10th wedding anniversary, in the spring of 1985, Linda was planning to leave Don again. She filed a petition for dissolution in St. Louis County Circuit Court on April 11. Frank Vatterott was her attorney. “I just remember her as being very nice, very polite, and an attractive lady,” he says. “She was not sophisticated or anything, but I think she was kind of classy…. I remember her as having class and being a person of stature.”

    Though the petition was filed, Don would not be served with the court papers for a few more weeks. Linda continued living with him at the house on Monroe Avenue in Vinita Park.

    “It was a little rocky right then at that time,” Don Sherman says. He was working the day shift at a machine shop; she worked evenings at the U.S. Government Records Center on Page Avenue. He says he had growing suspicions that his wife was having an affair: She had started smoking again after quitting years earlier. She didn’t come home from work on several occasions, and when he called her at home from work, she wouldn’t be there, he says.

    And then one day in the early spring of 1985, Sherman says, his suspicions were confirmed when a truck driver who worked with him saw Linda and one of her co-workers from the records center.

    It wasn’t the first time his wife had cheated on him, Sherman claims. She’d worked as a cocktail waitress at a Flaming Pit restaurant, and “that changed her in some ways.”

    In any case, Linda and Don’s relationship had soured, and tensions were high by April 1985. On April 22, after she worked her usual evening shift at the records center, Linda signed out at 2:16 a.m., went home and slept on the couch. Though Linda usually took Patty to school in the morning, on this day Don drove her to school. That evening, Don says Linda left for work around 6 p.m. She was wearing blue jeans, tennis shoes and a blue jersey emblazoned with the number 76, he says. Linda did not report to work.

    She never would again.

    That spring, Linda’s older sister, Fran, who lived in nearby Hazelwood, had begun talking on the phone with her sister almost every night. The conversations revolved mostly around the problems Linda was having with her husband. The phone calls stopped on April 22, and then Fran and her husband, Sam, learned that Linda hadn’t shown up for work. They began to worry.

    “She was getting ready to leave her husband for good,” remembers Sam Miller, a retired engineer, “and so she took certain steps. She talked to Fran about this a lot over the phone.” Fran nods her head. “She was trying to move out of the house and into an apartment somewhere.”

    Linda had filled out a change-of-address form at the local post office, directing her mail to her sister’s house on Coachway Lane in Hazelwood. Her last two paychecks came to the Miller house after Linda disappeared.

    One check is inside a manila folder Sam Miller keeps, the envelope still sealed. The folder contains old newspaper clippings, faded court documents and a small ad offering a $1,000 reward for information about Linda’s disappearance. Fran says Sam can remember all kinds of important names and dates, thanks to that folder. Memories fade. It’s been 14 years since they last saw Linda.

    Nestled among the papers in the folder is the 5-by-7 photograph of Linda.

    She’s not alone in the picture. Her husband is seated beside her on a brown flowered sofa. But when the Millers needed a photo for the missing-person poster, for the police file and the newspaper, they enlarged the part of the picture with Linda’s smiling face. They cut Don out entirely.

    Inside the small brick building on Midland Avenue, behind Vinita Park City Hall, Lt. Michael Webb keeps the same picture of Linda Sherman in a manila file folder. Her case fills two entire drawers in the metal cabinet in the corner of his office. The room is neat. On a nearby shelf, sandwiched between various law-enforcement titles, are books on botany and crime-scene archaeology.

    A seemingly unflappable man with a solemn voice, Webb, 48, has spent most of his career in Vinita Park, except for a single year as a patrolman in Charlack. He spends his free time at the St. Louis County Library headquarters on Lindbergh Boulevard, researching through ribbons of microfilm for details about organized crime at the turn of the century in St. Louis. Someday, if and when he retires — “They’ll have to push me out of here; I’ll be in a walker,” he says — Webb figures he might write a book about local mob history.

    Webb was a patrol supervisor back in 1985, and he remembers reading Linda Sherman’s missing-person report. He read all the daily reports as a patrol supervisor, and Linda’s report stood out. “There was just something that didn’t sound right,” says Webb, a sandy-haired man with a mustache who has since traded his police uniform for a crisp shirt and tie. “We have missing persons reported all the time. Generally, within a few days, there is contact with someone, especially a loved one like a child.”

    That’s what just about everyone said about Linda’s disappearance: It didn’t sound right.

    Linda’s parents, her brothers and her sister and brother-in-law insisted there was no way Linda would leave her 9-year-old daughter, under any circumstances. Her co-workers and friends agreed. Linda, a doting mom, wouldn’t do such a thing, they said.

    Don Sherman told police that an overnight bag and other items appeared to be missing from the house. Because Linda had left him twice before — both times emptying their home of furniture — he says he thought she’d left him again. On both of those occasions, however, she had taken Patty with her. This time, she did not. Sherman says he can’t recall what he made of his wife’s disappearance at the time. “I don’t remember exactly what was going through my head,” he says now. “It’s way too long ago to remember that.”

    As each day passed with no word from Linda, the Millers grew increasingly alarmed. They posted fliers offering a $1,000 reward for information on her whereabouts. They spoke to co-workers at the government-records center where Linda worked.

    Four days after Linda disappeared, Sam Miller says, he lay awake in bed, thinking about a musician whose car had recently turned up at Lambert Airport after he was murdered. They hadn’t looked for Linda there, he realized. He woke his wife; they got dressed and drove to the airport. They had rounded the first turn in the short-term parking garage when they saw what they were looking for: Linda’s yellow Volkswagen Beetle, her schoolbooks from a computer class inside, a hat tossed on the back seat. They called for an airport-police officer and waited for him to pop the trunk, worried they might find Linda’s body inside. The officer opened the front compartment of the Beetle, where the trunk is located. But there was no trace of Linda.

    Soon after, the Millers met with Vinita Park police, and Lt. Webb was officially assigned to the case.

    He interviewed co-workers, family members, Linda’s husband. He pinpointed the time she’d signed out of the records center. He learned that the airport kept track of cars parked in the garage longer than 24 hours, and that Linda’s car had been noted on April 24. He checked the passenger lists of airline departures from Lambert. No Linda Sherman.

    Within a week of her disappearance, Don Sherman reported that he’d seen Linda riding in a van with someone else — and that she ducked. He told police he tried to follow the vehicle but that it got away from him and he wasn’t able to write down a license-plate number.

    The lieutenant tracked down dozens of leads throughout the state of Missouri. None checked out. Linda wasn’t the type to have enemies. Webb could not find any. He checked out the male co-worker that Don Sherman says she had been seeing, but that man had an alibi and was ruled out as a suspect.

    Months passed with no sign of Linda, and police decided to go public with a plea for help in the case. Linda’s disappearance — and her family’s concerns about foul play — were described in a July 15, 1985, article in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat. “We’re at an impasse,” Vinita Park Police Chief Robert Hartz was quoted as saying. “There’s little more we can do without a break.”

    The break didn’t come.

    While everyone worried about Linda’s whereabouts, Don Sherman says he tried to move on with his life. About a year after Linda disappeared, he filed a cross-petition for divorce stating that Linda had abandoned both him and their daughter. His lawyer was Frank Anzalone, a prominent Clayton criminal- defense attorney, whose clients included people accused of serious felonies such as rape and murder. Sherman is reluctant to talk about why Anzalone handled his divorce, except to say that Anzalone has always been his lawyer and that he had first met him when Anzalone was a public defender and represented Sherman’s mother in 1974.

    “My mother killed my father,” Sherman says matter-of-factly.

    It was after midnight on Feb. 25, 1974, when police arrived at the Sherman home in Cool Valley and found 47-year-old Charles Sherman, an unemployed watchman, shot dead at the kitchen table. Audrey Sherman, his wife, and all five children said they awoke to a loud bang. Police officers searched the house and found a .38-caliber gun stashed in a heating duct. Audrey was later indicted for first-degree murder. Four months after the wedding of her son Don, she pleaded guilty to manslaughter. She served six months in the county jail.

    “She put a bullet in him as a result of one of their arguments,” Don Sherman says. “They were both alcoholics.”

    Sherman says he, too, turned to drinking in the years after his wife disappeared. “It took a long time for me to deal with it,” he says, “to come to terms with it. And a lot of alcohol.”

    By 1988, three years after Linda’s original divorce petition was filed, Anzalone’s office had had the case placed on the docket of uncontested divorces.

    Frank Vatterott, who was hired by Linda Sherman to handle her divorce, objected. “It would be impossible for me to consent to an uncontested dissolution,” he wrote in a June 21, 1988, letter to Anzalone’s office. “I have not heard from the family of Linda Sherman for approximately one year. I presume she is still missing.”

    Vatterott says he had intended to take Don Sherman’s deposition earlier in the divorce case but decided it was futile. “Anzalone, who was his lawyer, said, “We will just plead the Fifth,’” Vatterott recalls. “So I didn’t take it.” Anzalone could not be reached for comment.

    In June 1989, with Linda nowhere to be found, a judge dismissed the divorce case, thereby leaving the Sherman marriage legally intact.

    One year later, on June 28, 1990, a skull appeared outside the Casa Gallardo restaurant in Bridgeton.

    Don Sherman was there that day. He says the restaurant’s bar was his regular place to go for drinks. And when the skull showed up that day, he recalls, “It was the talk of the restaurant.” As for where the skull came from or its identity, Don Sherman says he had no idea.

    Neither did the Bridgeton police.

    Fourteen months later, an unusual piece of mail arrived at the Vinita Park Police Department. It was Sept. 6, 1991, and among the batch of letters that the administrative clerk was sorting was an unsealed envelope with no return address. Inside was an eight-month-old Super Bowl flier from the Casa Gallardo in Bridgeton. One side of the orange sheet described the promotion — cheap cocktails and free nachos to customers watching playoff games at the restaurant. The other side contained a single sentence, stamped out in purple ink:

    “THE BRIDGETON POLICE HAVE L. SHERMAN’S SKULL.”

    Lt. Webb, careful not to touch the note and envelope, was incredulous at the message inside. Could it be true? he wondered.

    “I hadn’t heard anything about Bridgeton police finding a skull,” Webb recalls. “I felt they were going to laugh us out of the place when we went in there.”

    But when Webb talked to a patrol sergeant at Bridgeton, he was told about the skull discovered a year earlier outside the restaurant. Webb delivered Linda Sherman’s dental records so that they could be compared with the “found human remains” stored away on a shelf at the county morgue. The next day, a forensic dentist confirmed that the skull was Linda Sherman’s.

    Clearly the letter-writer was someone who knew about the skull found more than a year ago and wanted Vinita Park Police to know that it was Linda Sherman’s. It could have been the killer who sent the letter. Then again, it could have been someone who merely had some knowledge about her death.

    The letter deepened the mystery and raised nagging questions for the police and for Linda’s family. Who, after police failed to identify the skull as Linda’s, sent them a note to make sure they did? Why send the note on a Casa Gallardo flier? More important, where was the rest of the body?

    That last question left the Millers both puzzled and horrified. “Whoever did this went to where they buried her and dug up just the skull and left the rest of her body there,” Sam Miller says. “We couldn’t figure out why somebody would have done that.”

    Patty Sherman, who had just turned 16 at the time her mother’s skull was identified, was living with her paternal grandmother during the week and spending weekends with her father. She remembers that she was doing her homework when two police officers knocked at her father’s door to deliver the news.

    “I wouldn’t answer the door. I had a feeling something bad was going to happen,” she recalls. She woke her father, who spoke to the police. “All he told me was, “They found your mom.’ And I just bawled. He said he didn’t know a whole lot. And he went back to his room.”

    She would learn the details later, from her cousin. “I was really upset,” she says. “We live in such a sick world that after she was dead, someone dug her up and put her somewhere, put half of her somewhere. How could somebody do that to her?”

    At the Vinita Park Police Department, the Linda Sherman missing-person case had turned into a homicide investigation. Lt. Webb scrutinized the old reports. He re-interviewed the original witnesses, six years after Linda vanished. “It was pretty difficult,” he recalls. “The trail is cold by then.”

    He forwarded the note and envelope to the FBI crime lab in Washington, D.C., but the author had been meticulous: There were no fingerprints on the letter and no saliva on the envelope. Webb requested information about the rubber stamp used to create the message and learned that it was the type widely available at office-supply stores.

    Webb shipped the skull to the University of Missouri-Columbia, where an archaeologist studied the traces of soil and a botanist examined the plant material adhering to the skull. Those examinations offered no meaningful revelations. The soil probably came from a rural setting, such as a wooded area, Webb was told, a tidbit of knowledge that didn’t come close to narrowing down where the rest of Linda’s body might be buried. The plant material was of the morning-glory species; the purple-flowered vines are common throughout Missouri.

    Webb developed his own theories about the case, but many of the details seemed to defy rational explanation. Some theories he will share; others he will not. “It seemed pretty obvious to me someone wanted us to identify that skull,” Webb says. “Why else would they send us a note telling us where to find it, helping us along, so to speak?”

    But why? “I hesitate to really speculate,” Webb continues. “There are some people, killers, who like to taunt, who think they are of a higher mentality than police — who like to play a little game.”

    Webb pressed on with his investigation. He contacted the FBI’s behavioral-sciences unit in Quantico, Va., but they didn’t have much to go on. In November 1995, he attended the national convention of the International Homicide Investigators Association, where hundreds of detectives had gathered in St. Louis. The conference drew experts who had worked on famous cases: O.J. Simpson, Ted Bundy, the Green River murders in Washington.

    Webb used the opportunity to hit people up for advice. “People I really admire, I ran into there,” he says, “very experienced homicide investigators, the experts in their field. Anybody I could I would pull aside and say, “Hey, look, I got this case — do you have any suggestions?’” For the most part, they were things he had already tried.

    Webb came to obsess about the case. It wasn’t just that Linda Sherman’s was the only unsolved murder case in Vinita Park. It was that he now knew her family. “We all have very much of a closeness to this case, anybody who’s been here for any period of time,” Webb says. “It’s been with me since 1985. Even though I didn’t personally know Linda, I’ve gotten to know several of her family members quite well…. I feel some obligation to the family that this case be resolved.”

    There was something else, too. “You hate the idea that someone committed this crime and has gotten away with it for so long,” Webb says. “I want him or her to know that it’s not going to be forgotten. Any new development in forensic science or some type of lead will be followed up. It’s my job. It’s something I have to do. She’s not here to speak for herself, so somebody has to speak for her.”

    Webb never eased up on the case. Thirteen years after Linda Sherman was reported missing and eight years after her skull turned up, Webb still had little to go on except the skull itself.

    “My idea has always been, the key to this case is the recovery of the rest of the remains,” Webb says. “I feel if we could find that original burial site, we could glean a lot more evidence, even after all these years — evidence that might help convict the killer or help identify the killer.”

    Then, for the first time in several years, Webb had some reason for optimism. At a conference on crime-scene archaeology held in Weldon Spring last year, Webb listened to speakers describe advances in soil science. An FBI agent and a college professor told Webb that the tiny amounts of dirt on Linda Sherman’s skull might provide a break in the case.

    That was all Webb needed to hear.

    Three months ago, on the morning of Aug. 19, with Sam and Fran Miller watching, a backhoe shoveled the dirt on Linda Sherman’s grave in Steedman Cemetery near Fulton, Mo., and unearthed the 18-inch-square concrete vault containing her skull. FBI agents supervised the exhumation and shipped the skull in a wooden crate to Mercyhurst College in Erie, Pa.

    At the college’s Archeological Institute, Professor James Adovasio spends most of his time applying high-tech principles to archaeological sites in such places as Israel, the Ukraine and the central part of the Czech Republic. But he has also put his skills to work as a sort of high-tech soil sleuth in archaeological-theft cases prosecuted by the federal government.

    With the use of X-rays and powerful electron microscopes, one sample of sediment can be distinguished from another almost to the level and precision of a fingerprint, Adovasio says. He has examined soil in seven federal cases involving prosecutions under the U.S. Archeological Protection Act.

    The Linda Sherman case will be Adovasio’s first murder case. The technology is both costly and time-consuming, making it impractical for most routine criminal cases, he says, adding that it’s a rare case in which dirt is the best available evidence. Adovasio will compare a sample of dirt from Linda’s skull with seven samples provided by Vinita Park police, who suspect her body may be buried in an area of Missouri that measures several hundred acres. Vinita Park police are not saying exactly where that area is.

    The analysis could rule out that area entirely — or it could help narrow down where to look more closely.

    Adovasio explains. “If you went into your frontyard… we could take a sample from one end and another end and find broad similarities to it,” he says. “But the samples will be sufficiently different that if you buried an object on one end of your yard and then an object on the other end, I could say with a certain degree of statistical certainty that the objects came from the same yard but definitely not the same hole.”

    The technology available today is far more advanced than it was in 1985, when Linda Sherman disappeared, Adovasio says: “With the advent of computer-controlled scanning electron microscopy and energy-dispersive X-rays, we can actually count individual grains of sediment and find out what the chemical composition of a grain of sediment is. And you couldn’t do that 15 years ago.”

    Adovasio expects the final results on the tests of soil taken from Linda Sherman’s skull to be in shortly before Thanksgiving.

    One of Adovasio’s colleagues, anthropologist Dennis Dirkmaat, will be examining the markings and indentations on the skull. Dirkmaat has consulted on 250 criminal cases. He will be looking for clues to determine where the skull has been. “We’ll look carefully at subtle bits of evidence,” Dirkmaat says. “Is there evidence the body decomposed on the surface or was buried or in water?

    “One of the thing we will want to look at is trauma to the skull… I saw that some of the bones were broken. We’ll do a more detailed examination of what may have caused the trauma: Was it perimortem — at the time of death — or postmortem, and what may have caused that?”

    Patty Sherman Harvell, now married and living in Attica, Ind. with her husband and 4-year-old daughter, is waiting for news about the soil tests on her mother’s skull. Now 24, she last saw her mom when she was a fourth-grader at George Washington Elementary School. “I couldn’t even close my eyes and tell you what she looked like if I didn’t have pictures,” Patty says regretfully. “I think about her all the time. I think about what I missed, about how my daughter is going to grow up without her grandma. It was really hard growing up without a mother.

    “I wish I knew her. People tell me I look just like her — everybody tells me that — and I wish I knew her.” In the past several months, Patty has grown increasingly interested in finding out what happened to her mother all those years ago. She wants to find the rest of her mother’s body “so we can put her to rest,” she says.

    “It’s been a long time not knowing. Maybe I’ll have some type of closure on it,” says Patty, who has a recurrent nightmare about her mother. She sees her sleeping on the sofa at their home in Vinita Park — the way she did on the last day Patty saw her mother alive. Patty is leaving for school, but her mother fails to kiss her goodbye. Patty always wakes up in tears. She’s not sure what it means.

    “I just want to know what happened to her,” she says. “I just wish I knew.” Patty begins to cry. “I want somebody to pay for taking that away from me.”

    It’s an awkward situation, because she knows who police suspect. It’s her father.

    And he’s known it for 14 years.

    When his wife first disappeared, police called Don Sherman down to the station and asked him questions. They asked to take a look around his house. They asked about that final day he spent with his wife. They asked about the couple’s marriage.

    They kept asking questions.

    “It used to be a regular thing,” Don Sherman says. “They used to come by and say, “Well, can you come down to the station….”

    “I’m pretty much the only suspect they have,” he adds.

    Don Sherman still lives in the same house on Monroe Avenue. Now it’s decorated with candy-corn lights and stickers in the window and other signs of his 6-year-old daughter, a child with his second wife, whom he married in 1994. He’s 42 now, a tool-room supervisor for a company in Belleville, Ill.

    Sherman is willing to talk about his first wife, but he does so on the front porch. His current wife is inside, and he’s worried it might be uncomfortable. He wears blue jeans and a black T-shirt with the big face of a bald eagle. He sports a full beard and hair that falls halfway down his back.

    “I’ve long stopped worrying about it,” Sherman says about the police suspicion. “I didn’t do anything. It’s been, what, 14 years? A lot of things have happened in my life since then. Till this new thing, the new technology, I hadn’t thoug

  • RANDI NAUGHTON STRIKES BACK

    KTVI/Fox 2’s Randi Naughton took offense at the “Charity Begins at Home Plate” offering in the Aug. 25 “Short Cuts” by e-mailing us claiming there were two “factual errors” in the piece. Oy vey. Turns out, contrary to our statements, Naughton claims, the price of the bat, $199, was mentioned in two separate broadcasts of her report. She also says the “mother of a child with cancer” we referred to in her broadcast was actually the mother of a heart-transplant recipient. Well, OK — we’ll take Naughton’s word on that. As for the mention of the price, the transcript we received of the broadcast in question did not include the bat’s price, though who knows? Maybe it was mentioned in the intro, or displayed on the screen. But that isn’t the point, is it? The point is, the amount going to charity (10 bucks out of 200) was not mentioned, only that a portion of the proceeds went to a worthy cause. So we apologize for the misstatements, though we’re not sure they were misleading. The point is, when charity is being used to shill for a product, just how much goes to charity ought to be made clear. As for the final paragraph of Naughton’s missive — “I don’t know what the criteria is for being a “journalist,’ at the RFT. Though paying attention, I would assume, would be the first order of business.” — whoever said there was “a criteria” for being a journalist? And is anybody out there paying attention? Didn’t think so.

  • Unsettled

    On a Friday afternoon in March, Rochelle Johnson waited in a courtroom for a jury to reach its verdict. For most of the week, she had avoided listening to testimony about her younger sister’s murder — the grim details of how 33-year-old LaTanya Mickles-Hamlin, an assistant principal at East St. Louis High School, was fatally shot in her gray Lexus, not far from her Lafayette Square home.

    “Every day I would go,” Johnson says, “but I would sit outside the courtroom. I was there in the beginning, but the rest of it was just too hard for me. It was too hard.”

    But she made sure to watch the end of the case against William Jefferson, accused of firing four shots into LaTanya’s 1998 Lexus SC300 during a failed carjacking attempt on April 30, 2000, including one that pierced her heart. After less than three hours of deliberation, the verdict was in. But as the words rang out, Johnson couldn’t believe what she heard: “Not guilty.”

    “I was shocked,” Johnson says. “My first reaction was, ‘No one gets to pay for this. She died, and no one gets to pay for this crime.’ The whole family was in total shock.”

    For those who knew and loved LaTanya and hoped the trial would bring finality to her tragic case, the verdict instead brought new questions and anguish. After spending nearly a year in jail, LaTanya’s alleged killer was set free while, at the same time, the jury sent a message that his co-defendant — who plea-bargained in exchange for his testimony — was not to be believed. An already puzzling murder case was made only murkier.


    LaTanya was born and raised in East St. Louis, the daughter of 33-year veteran elementary-school teacher Ella Mickles, and she longed to follow in her mother’s footsteps. She graduated from East St. Louis High School in 1984 and attended Southern Illinois University-Edwardsville, where she obtained her bachelor’s and master’s degrees. She had recently applied to the doctoral program at St. Louis University. Her sister remembers LaTanya’s single-minded determination, even as a young child, to become a teacher: “That’s all she ever wanted to be, ever since she was a little girl — ‘I want to be a teacher. I want to be a teacher.’ She loved children so much.”

    She taught for years at an elementary school in Cahokia before her career took her to Rock Island, Ill., and, later, Naperville, Ill., where she was an assistant principal. Johnson says LaTanya valued the experience but longed to come home. “The children there were basically well-to-do,” Johnson says, “and she really couldn’t reach them the way she wanted to reach the poor, disadvantaged children of East St. Louis. She always said they needed her more than the children in Naperville did, so the knowledge that she acquired in Naperville, she took all that back to East St. Louis.”

    LaTanya had been back in St. Louis less than a year when she died, working as assistant principal at her alma mater, East St. Louis High. She married Gary Hamlin, whom she’d known for several years as an acquaintance before their relationship turned serious, in August 1999. And though her mother and father had died in the years preceding her return, LaTanya was thrilled to be living near relatives, including her sister and niece, and was excited about her new job. “She was ecstatic,” her sister says. “She loved it, she absolutely loved it, because she was home. It was all she talked about.” LaTanya lived five minutes from her sister, and every morning she took her niece, Jasmine, to school, because her sister’s job started early. The night she died, she had just dropped Jasmine at her sister’s and was headed home.

    Johnson remembers the moment police delivered the bad news: “I thought it was random; that’s the first thing that went through my mind. I thought it was odd for the area I lived in and odd for a Sunday night. Then when he said someone tried to rob her in an attempted carjacking, my first thought was: ‘Really?’ It struck me very odd. That sort of thing just didn’t happen in that neighborhood. I thought it was odd to happen on a Sunday night in my neighborhood. But I accepted what they said.”


    From the start, St. Louis police said they suspected LaTanya’s murder was the result of a failed attempt at carjacking while she was paused at a stop sign at the corner of Hickory Street and Missouri Avenue around 9:30 p.m. About three weeks after LaTanya’s murder, police announced that they’d charged two men in connection with the crime: William Jefferson and Damian Cotton, both 18 and both from East St. Louis.

    St. Louis police arrested the two after receiving an anonymous call from someone claiming to know who was responsible for LaTanya’s death. The caller said four men from East St. Louis were involved, along with a fifth who had planned to go along but backed out at the last minute. That call led police to Dante Cole, who told them he knew about the murder but said he had not gone along. He said a friend, Jared Mason, told him he had driven three others to St. Louis and, while Mason and another man, John Johnson, stayed in Mason’s car, two others went to steal LaTanya’s Lexus. He said he learned secondhand that when LaTanya refused to get out of the car, she was shot.

    Police questioned Mason, who told a similar story. Police picked up Cotton and Johnson; both denied any knowledge of the murder. But after being asked to speak to one another, alone, for about 10 or 15 minutes, they admitted to police they knew about the crime, and both said the triggerman was someone named Rooster. Cotton later identified Rooster as William Jefferson, someone he knew from grade school. Cotton told police that he was standing on the passenger side of the Lexus when Jefferson, who was standing on the driver’s side, fired the fatal shots. There were no other eyewitnesses.

    Police never recovered the gun used in the killing. There were no fingerprints, no physical evidence at all but for the recovered bullets and shell casings. Only two of the four men who said they were in the car that night were arrested. Jefferson was charged with first-degree murder and armed criminal action; Cotton was charged with second-degree murder and armed criminal action.

    Assistant Circuit Attorney Michael Ravetta, who prosecuted the case, says the decision on whom to charge was based “on the statements of witnesses and what they knew and how they were involved. Basically, the one kid claimed — and I have no reason to doubt him — that he had no idea why they wanted to go over there, and he was the driver of the car. He indicated they asked for a ride and he drove them over there; he didn’t know what was going on. Another kid, when they were talking about it, backed out and didn’t go; he left and went to his girlfriend’s house. The third guy, he ended up being wanted for robbery on the East Side, and the other two guys were defendants.”

    Cotton faced up to 30 years in state prison on the charges. In February, he agreed to plead guilty in exchange for a 10-year sentence and his testimony against Jefferson. Ravetta says the case against Jefferson rested on the word of Cotton, who testified at the March trial, and says he was surprised when the jury returned with a not-guilty verdict.

    “The only thing I can figure is, they did not believe the co-defendant who we cut a deal with. The co-defendant [Cotton] was the only eyewitness; the others did not see the actual shooting. The only person who could tell us who pulled the trigger was Damian Cotton. It all came down to believing Damian Cotton, and evidently they didn’t. We even blew [Jefferson’s] alibi and they still walked him, so I have no idea what that was all about, except they didn’t believe our witness.”

    The lawyers who defended Jefferson were not as surprised.

    Michael Mullen, a former defense attorney who was sworn in as a circuit judge in June, says Jefferson had an alibi — he and his sister’s boyfriend said they were out driving around together that night, showing off his sister’s boyfriend’s new car. And although Jefferson knew the other men implicated in the case from junior high, he told the jury that he never hung out with them. They were actually in rival gangs while in school. Mullen thinks his client was a “convenient scapegoat” because the others knew he had recently served time for a robbery conviction. “He had not been out very long, and he tried to get his life back together. These other kids knew he had been locked up for the past year on something. The jury knew he had a record, because he testified, and they still didn’t believe the other kids’ version.

    “I believe there were certainly some of these kids who were involved that testified against my client — they admitted their own involvement, but they all kind of said, ‘I was there,’ but then put it off on my guy as being the main guy. And my guy said, ‘I don’t even hang out with these people, and I’m probably a rival of theirs, and all these kids admit it.’” If they were members of rival gangs, he asks, “then why would he be hanging out with them?”

    The lawyer notes that the jury “came back fairly quickly on a murder, especially one where the victim was so sympathetic. This wasn’t a drug murder. This was someone who was truly helping the community, giving back to the community.”

    Mullen, a former prosecutor, says he was puzzled that only two people were charged when five were implicated in the scheme: “I felt very strongly they charged the wrong people, and they mischarged the case. One kid said he drove over to the carjacking and claimed he didn’t even know what was going on — when all of the other people were saying he knew what was going on and was going to split the profits from the carjacking. Yet the guy who drove to the carjacking where someone gets murdered doesn’t even get charged, even with a misdemeanor. Dante Cole, who also was involved, indicated he was in on the plotting of this in East St. Louis but he backed out of it. That was the excuse for not charging him. And there was another guy — a guy nicknamed ‘Killer’ — who apparently was in the car but never testified; they never charged him with anything. It just seemed strange.”

    He believes the gist of what the others claimed was true — they did plan a carjacking that went awry and someone was killed. “It’s pretty easy to change just one piece of the story and say everything I’m saying is true,” Mullen says, “but this other person was the killer, and then just [Jefferson] in there as a convenient scapegoat.”

    Lawyer Mathew Hoffman tried the case with Mullen. “When we sat down and took the case, it didn’t seem to add up,” Hoffman says. “From the beginning the state’s evidence was questionable. They had no eyewitnesses, no weapon, and the only motive they could come up with was a carjacking, and that wasn’t linked to our guy except through the alleged co-conspirators.” The jury, he adds, “just didn’t believe these guys. It sounds like there was a conflict between these rival gang members … and it sounds like they were trying to pin this on [Jefferson].”


    The only person likely to serve any time for LaTanya’s murder is Damian Cotton, who pleaded guilty in exchange for a 10-year prison sentence. In letters to the judge in his case, Cotton’s mother and the senior pastor at his church describe him as a young man, 17 at the time of the murder, with no prior criminal record who had obtained his GED, was attending community college in Belleville and held several part-time jobs, including one in the campus bookstore. The pastor, Rev. Rex Waddell of the Church of the Living God in Fairview Heights, noted that Cotton’s “teachers, pastors and various friends and supporters” chipped in to pay for his defense.

    His mother, Diane Cotton, described her son as “very kind and intelligent … We all believe in Damian’s innocence and we all know that he is just a person who witnessed a crime and has never harmed another human being because of his love for people and his very kind, loving nature.”

    Cotton’s attorney, William Ekiss, says his client “has been more than forthright in standing up for his responsibility in this case, and it’s still his position that Mr. Jefferson shot this woman, and he testified to that. Now, what a jury wants to perceive to believe … Obviously they didn’t believe that, because Jefferson was found not guilty. But the only witness to this claim and this shooting was Damian Cotton.

    “He did the right thing by standing up for himself and owning up to his responsibility. Mr. Cotton made a statement to police after it happened. Mr. Jefferson did not. Everybody did but Jefferson. If he was so innocent, why didn’t he admit his innocence then?”

    Cotton has been free on bond since December. And even though his testimony in the Jefferson case was not persuasive, his plea bargain stands. “We offered him the deal to testify, and it had nothing to do with whether we won or not,” says Ravetta, the prosecutor. Cotton has yet to be sentenced; Ravetta expects sentencing to take place in the next couple of months.

    The chain of events has done little to clarify what happened the night LaTanya was killed or precisely who is responsible. For some of LaTanya’s relatives, the case never made much sense. It still doesn’t.

    “I didn’t take too much of that nonsense,” says LaTanya’s aunt Edith Mickles, referring to the police theory of how and why her niece was killed. “I thought it was just a bunch of bunk. I didn’t believe those boys did it. Those boys are from East St. Louis, and [LaTanya’s] car was parked on the East Side every day. If they wanted to steal a car, they didn’t have to go to her neighborhood.”

    Another relative shares her concerns: “We didn’t feel enough investigative work was done,” he says. “It just didn’t seem right. Things didn’t seem to add up as far as how everything went down and the nature of the alleged carjacking. They didn’t take the car; they didn’t attempt to take the car. They said she was shot four or five times through the front window with a high-powered weapon. That doesn’t indicate any kind of carjacking.” Plus, he adds: “It was a high-profile case; therefore people were pressuring detectives to come up with motives and leads.”

    Rochelle Johnson, LaTanya’s sister, says she doesn’t doubt that police or prosecutors were right in whom they decided to charge; she believes they simply lacked enough evidence to conclusively prove the charges. Still, she has chosen not to dwell on the criminal case, instead focusing on the LaTanya Hamlin Scholarship Foundation (P.O. Box 16821, Clayton, MO 63105), which raised $14,000 last year and awarded three $2,500 scholarships. The scholarship is for underprivileged students in East St. Louis with average grades who aspire to go to college.

    “Prior to the verdict, we got together and we prayed and we asked for God’s will to be done, not our will,” Johnson says. “We could have prayed for [Jefferson] to die or go to jail forever. I really, really prayed real hard before the verdict came out, so once it was read, we have such faith in God, that God let me know: ‘Vengeance is mine.’ Whoever did it, it will come out. The way we put it is, ‘This is man’s courtroom, but God is in charge.’ We let it go — we really did. We forgave everybody who was involved, and we just moved on with our lives.”

  • ON THE HOT SEAT

    After denying he withheld crucial evidence, denying he arranged secret deals with jailhouse snitches, denying he misled a jury and denying he participated in any cover-up, St. Louis County Circuit Judge Steven H. Goldman suggested that maybe someone else had done those things but that he wasn’t sure and, in all likelihood, they wouldn’t remember, either.

    It wasn’t the former prosecutor’s most convincing performance, certainly unlike the trial in 1983 when Goldman, without physical evidence or eyewitnesses, convinced a jury that a young black woman named Ellen Reasonover was guilty of capital murder.

    This time, as an ill-at-ease Goldman tried to account for his actions during an evidentiary hearing, an observer watching the proceedings from the back rows in a federal courtroom leaned forward and whispered, “It’s STA time — “save thy ass’ time.”

    Indeed, during four days of testimony at the hearing last week before Chief U.S. District Judge Jean Hamilton, new evidence of possible police and prosecutorial misconduct in the Reasonover case surfaced like dead bodies, one after the other. Among new information floating to the top: secret police tape recordings, memos about sentencing deals, and a would-be snitch who refused to be coerced. Just one day into the hearing, a seemingly exasperated Judge Hamilton asked Stephan D. Hawke, the state’s attorney, “Are there any other documents you haven’t disclosed? This is a little startling.”

    The mounting evidence that police and prosecutors may have framed an innocent woman would become even more startling to onlookers as the hearing progressed. For Reasonover, serving a life sentence after being convicted of shooting and killing gas-station attendant James Buckley, 19, in a botched robbery attempt, the hearing is likely her last bid to win a new trial (“Burned,” RFT, June 30).

    Reasonover, now 42, has always maintained her innocence, saying that she was at the Vickers service station in Dellwood the night of Buckley’s murder only to get change and cigarettes. When she heard news accounts of the murder, she called police with information about possible suspects she saw at the station. She identified men from mug shots, but when those suspects produced alibis, police investigators accused her — along with her former boyfriend, Stanley White, and another man named Robert Macintosh — of the crime.

    Goldman’s evidence in the 1983 trial consisted mainly of the testimonies of two women — Mary Ellen Lyner and Rose Jolliff — who claimed that Reasonover had confessed to them in a holding cell that she had killed Buckley. What jurors and Reasonover’s trial lawyers didn’t know in 1983 was that there existed at least two secretly taped conversations in which Reasonover maintained her innocence.

    One of those key recordings is of Reasonover protesting her innocence to Jolliff in a telephone conversation on Jan. 12, 1983 — five days after the women had been placed in a holding cell together. Reasonover’s current lawyers, Cheryl Pilate of Kansas City and Richard Sindel of St. Louis, obtained a copy of the recording just last week.

    Jolliff was in jail for writing a number of bad checks, Reasonover because she was a suspect in Buckley’s murder.

    During Reasonover’s trial, Jolliff testified that Reasonover confessed Buckley’s murder to her on the day they shared the cell. But the secretly taped phone conversation, which was never disclosed to jurors at the trial, appears to undermine Jolliff’s testimony. In the conversation, Reasonover repeatedly denied having had anything to do with the killing. In fact, Reasonover proclaimed her innocence eight times during the call to the woman she had supposedly confessed to five days before. And even though under law the police must give the prosecutor such evidence, and the prosecutor in turn must give it to the defense, the tape was never submitted to Reasonover’s attorneys during her trial.

    Last week, when asked why the police tape was never submitted, Goldman said he never knew it existed, implying that the police were at fault for never handing it to him.

    In 1983, prosecutor Goldman told jurors that Jolliff had no incentive to lie about her testimony — that she was not getting any kind of a deal on her pending felonies in exchange for testifying at Reasonover’s trial.

    A different story emerged last week.

    In December 1982, then-assistant county prosecutor Larry Mooney recommended that Jolliff receive five years’ supervised probation for her three pending felony counts. Jolliff’s lawyer at the time, Stormy White, testified last week that Mooney’s recommendation was “the best I could do at the time” for her client.

    But on the same day she testified against Reasonover, Jolliff changed her plea of not guilty to guilty and received six months’ unsupervised bench probation, which meant if she stayed out of trouble for six months, her three felonies would never be recorded. Other than having the felonies reduced to misdemeanors, Jolliff couldn’t have gotten a better deal.

    No one seems to know just who in the prosecutor’s office approved the lighter sentence.

    “Is that what a person would normally get for three felonies?” Sindel asked White when she took the stand last week.

    “No,” she replied, adding that she had been on maternity leave at the time and didn’t know how Jolliff got the bench probation.

    Mooney said he didn’t order the bench probation for Jolliff, either, and didn’t know who had.

    And Goldman told the court that he had given Jolliff “no deal” for her testimony and wasn’t aware that anyone else had given her one.

    In post-trial transcripts, Goldman denied ever promising Jolliff a deal for her testimony. “It was the same sentence anyone else would have gotten,” the transcripts show Goldman saying.

    Several witnesses testified that receiving bench probation for three felonies is extremely unusual. Prominent defense attorney Arthur Margulis, called by the state as a character witness for Goldman, told Sindel during cross-examination that he couldn’t recall ever hearing of someone getting bench probation for three felonies.

    “Would you suspect that that person got a deal?” Sindel asked.

    “I think it would be self-evident,” Margulis said.

    And earlier this year, Sindel and Pilate found a long-forgotten memo written by White back in 1983, stating that Goldman had called her about Jolliff, that Jolliff was testifying in Reasonover’s case, that they wouldn’t actually make a deal with her until after the trial so that Reasonover’s lawyers couldn’t bring it up before the jury, and that Goldman promised not to “burn” Jolliff in the process.

    White testified that she didn’t remember much about the memo but surmised that it didn’t mean what it seemed to mean. Goldman acknowledged that he had in fact talked to White before Reasonover’s trial but said he didn’t remember much about the conversation.

    As for Jolliff, she isn’t talking. Called as a witness last week, she invoked her Fifth Amendment constitutional right against self-incrimination.

    “I never asked”

    The taped conversation between Jolliff and Reasonover wasn’t the only attempt by police to get Reasonover to confess to Buckley’s murder. An undercover policewoman tried to get Reasonover to confess to her in jail and was unsuccessful. Then there was the hourlong tape of a conversation between Reasonover and her former boyfriend, Stanley White, when the two were arrested as suspects and placed in adjacent cells on Jan. 7, 1983.

    Goldman testified last week that the police misinformed him about that secretly taped conversation in which Reasonover and White are heard discussing the murder, mystified about why the police think they did it. That tape wasn’t given to Reasonover’s defense attorneys, and so the jury never heard it, either.

    “Were you aware of the tape?” Sindel asked Goldman last week.

    “Some police officer in a very brief conversation … told me that they had a tape between Stanley White and Ellen Reasonover in which, I understood, they were complaining about being in jail. I also had the impression that they taped over it or destroyed it or something like that,” Goldman said. “What they were telling me was that it wasn’t admissible.”

    “Did you try to find out why it had been destroyed or taped over?” Sindel asked.

    “I never asked,” Goldman said.

    Several weeks ago, Patricia Lynch, a producer and writer for Religion & Ethics Newsweekly, which is broadcast by PBS, interviewed Goldman about the Reasonover case. Lynch says Goldman told her that he had only learned about the tape’s contents “recently” and that the tape wasn’t produced at the trial because of a “cataloguing error” committed by the Dellwood police.

    But Dan Chapman, commander of the Major Case Squad investigating Buckley’s murder in 1983 and now Dellwood’s chief of police, testified last week that everything of evidentiary value — including the taped conversation between White and Reasonover — was turned over to Goldman.

    “Would it be fair to say that statements made by a suspect are important and that they can often be used to help determine their guilt or innocence?” Sindel asked Chapman.

    “Yes.”

    “And in part you wanted to preserve this conversation (between White and Reasonover) in case it pointed to Ms. Reasonover’s guilt?”

    “Yes.”

    “Did you tell anybody that you had destroyed the tape?”

    “No, sir.”

    “To the best of your knowledge, you gave it to Mr. Goldman?”

    “We gave everything to the prosecutor’s office.”

    In 1985, Reasonover’s lawyers filed an appeal claiming in part that the tape should have been disclosed at her trial. Gary Gardner, the assistant attorney general who represented the state during the direct appeal, testified last week that when he asked Goldman about the tape, the prosecutor told him in one phone conversation that the tape contained no admissible evidence and in another call that the police had destroyed it. “My impression was that Mr. Goldman had listened to the tape,” Gardner testified.

    Goldman still claims he never heard the tape and never pursued its contents, even when he found out in 1996 that it hadn’t been destroyed. That year, the tape was discovered in the St. Louis County prosecutor’s office by Pilate and Sindel and was written about by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch in several articles.

    “Did you read any of the articles about the tape’s contents?” Sindel asked Goldman.

    “I don’t remember,” Goldman said.

    Sindel then reminded Goldman that he had written two letters to the editor to the Post-Dispatch complaining about the articles.

    “That may be,” Goldman replied.

    Reasonover’s lawyers last week played yet another recorded conversation for Judge Hamilton, this one a phone call between Reasonover and Chapman when she first called to give information about the people she saw at the Vickers station that night.

    During the call, Reasonover gave a fake name and asked Chapman several times not to put her name in the paper for fear of reprisals. Chapman promised he wouldn’t and asked Reasonover whether she’d come down to the station to look at mug shots. She replied that she would but said she didn’t think she could positively identify the people she saw. “I don’t want anybody to go to jail for something they didn’t do,” she told Chapman. He then urged her to try anyway, because there was a $3,000 reward for anyone who could help find the murderers.

    “I don’t care so much about that,” Reasonover said. “Maybe that money should go to the boy’s family instead.”

    The contents of the call were never revealed to Reasonover’s jurors. Chapman later arrested Reasonover because during the first call she gave a false name and because the people she eventually picked from mug shots turned out to have alibis.

    Goldman did admit last week that, according to law, he should have handed over any and all taped conversations. “At the time, I didn’t think it was relevant,” he said.

    What he did think was relevant was the taped testimony of Jolliff telling police that Reasonover admitted the murder to her in jail. That tape was submitted in Reasonover’s murder trial.

    Sindel noted: “Every time there was a tape recording that made Ellen Reasonover look bad, there was a police record and a transcript, wasn’t there? And every time there was one that made her look good, there wasn’t.”

    “I don’t recall”

    Besides the two women — Jolliff and Mary Ellen Lyner — who testified that Reasonover confessed the murder to them, police also sought out Marquita Butler, another cellmate. Her testimony at last week’s hearing shed some more light on the tactics used in prosecuting Reasonover.

    Butler testified last week that she originally considered lying about what Reasonover told her but backed out at the last minute.

    “They wanted me to lie,” Butler said on the stand, then explained that Chapman fed her all of the information about Buckley’s murder she would need to testify, including the names of the two other suspects, Stanley White and Robert Macintosh. “I was making up stories to get some money, but Ellen never told me anything,” Butler said.

    And once she decided not to cooperate with the deception, Butler said, Chapman got “mean” and threatened to have her arrested.

    Chapman said he didn’t remember promising Butler any money in exchange for her testimony and didn’t recall feeding her any information she would need to lie.

    But Sindel then pulled out a transcript of the taped conversation between Butler and Chapman on Jan. 12, 1983. The transcript showed that Chapman promised Butler $150 to come to the station and testify and an additional $7,000 if her testimony led to Reasonover’s conviction. Sindel then read aloud Chapman’s words to Butler:

    “”OK, Robert Macintosh, was he one of them?’” Sindel read, then asked Chapman, “So you supplied the name to her, right?”

    Chapman replied, “I did say that.”

    “Did you also say, “Stanley White is one?’”

    “Yes,” Chapman admitted.

    “Did you threaten to have her arrested if she didn’t cooperate?”

    “I don’t recall.”

    “I don’t remember”

    Whereas the jury never heard about the light sentence Jolliff got after she testified against Reasonover, in Lyner’s case the jury never heard about her past — a past that might have severely damaged her credibility on the witness stand.

    At Reasonover’s murder trial, Lyner told jurors that Reasonover confessed to Buckley’s murder. Lyner also admitted to the jury that she was receiving a reduced sentence for her own crimes in exchange for her testimony. But Lyner told the jury that she had never made any such deal before, and the jury and Reasonover’s defense lawyers were never told otherwise by Goldman.

    During last week’s hearing, Ronald Klein, a St. Louis police officer, testified that in November 1982 he arrested Lyner at her apartment, where he found drug paraphernalia, narcotics, more than 300 stolen items and materials used to create false IDs. Under her bed and in her closet were dozens of stolen purses, wallets and credit cards used to purchase more than $300,000 worth of goods.

    “It was probably one of the largest fraud rings ever cracked in the city of St. Louis,” Klein testified, adding that Lyner was “incoherent” when she was arrested and admitted she had a $1,000-per-day drug habit. “She was a desperate person when we found her,” he said.

    Yet jurors at Reasonover’s trial were never told about Lyner’s desperation or her drug addiction. They were instead told that Lyner, who killed herself in 1990, had been arrested for “writing bad checks,” even though her convictions were really for forgery.

    “When she testified that she had been charged for writing bad checks, did you correct her and explain it was for forgery?” Sindel asked Goldman.

    “I don’t remember,” Goldman an-swered.

    Sindel then pointed out that forgery is far more serious than a bad-check-writing charge, in that writing bad checks simply means a person has overdrawn his or her account but forgery involves intentionally trying to pass off something as genuine that isn’t.

    “Were you aware that her charges were for forgery and not just writing bad checks?”

    “Whatever I testified,” Goldman said.

    What he told jurors in 1983 was that Lyner was arrested for writing bad checks. Goldman also allowed his witness to tell the jury that she had never made a similar deal for a reduced sentence before.

    But Sindel noted that in 1979 Lyner was found guilty of burglary and stealing but hadn’t been sentenced as of February 1983. One month later, Lyner’s conviction on burglary and stealing was wiped out “for lack of evidence,” when in fact court records show she’d made a deal for the reduced sentence in exchange for testifying at another trial unrelated to Reasonover’s.

    Sindel then pointed to trial transcripts of Reasonover’s trial, where Lyner told the jury she had never made a deal before in her life. She lied, Sindel said, and Goldman never corrected her.

    “I knew nothing about it,” Goldman testified. But Sindel pointed out that in Goldman’s own trial notes, her burglary and stealing convictions were listed and that Goldman had drawn a slash through them, indicating that Goldman knew about the deal.

    Throughout his questioning of Goldman last Thursday, Sindel maintained a restrained, laserlike focus on nailing down the details of what he believed was prosecutorial misconduct on Goldman’s part. When he wrapped up his questioning of Goldman, though, Sindel’s restraint cracked a bit.

    “So it was your mistakes which deprived Ellen Reasonover of her freedom?” Sindel finally asked Goldman.

    “Objection!”

    “Sustained.”

    “So it was your mistakes which almost sentenced her to death?”

    “Objection!”

    “Sustained.”

    “Don’t you think she deserved better than that?”

    “Objection!”

    But Sindel was already back at his seat. At the defense table behind him, tears fell from the hands Reasonover held over her face.

    “This man is a judge”

    Unlike her 1983 trial, when her lawyers didn’t let her take the stand, Reasonover got up in the witness box last week and told a story that had many in the crowded courtroom — lawyers, family members, politicians and community activists — in tears. Reasonover testified that after she went to the Dellwood police station and misidentified people from mug shots, Chapman’s attitude toward her changed. He started getting “mean,” she said, pounding the table and threatening her.

    “He told me that I was going to be 150 when I got out of jail and that my daughter would be 100, and I’d never see her again,” she said. “They told me I’d be raped in prison and that if I didn’t roll over on Stanley White, I’d be given the death penalty.”

    Reasonover then said that she was taken somewhere by a police officer and given a polygraph test. When she passed it, the policeman ordered that the test be administered again. When she passed it a second time, the policeman ordered a third. When she passed it the third time, the policeman drove her to yet another place, where a fourth test, which she failed, was administered. This fourth test was what jurors heard about during her trial.

    “I was sorry I ever talked to the police,” she said, “because they didn’t appreciate it.”

    Reasonover’s testimony, as well as that of Goldman, Chapman and others, struck a chord among the approximately 50 supporters of Reasonover who sat through all four days of the trial.

    “We live this every day,” said Richard Dockett, chair of the St. Louis chapter of the National Black United Front, at one point during Goldman’s testimony last week.

    There were repeated gasps of surprise as the evidence unfolded. When Chapman left the stand, Pearlie Evans, community activist and longtime assistant to U.S. Rep. William Clay, said, “That man used to be a policeman?”

    Used to be?” someone responded. “He’s the chief of police now.”

    “No!” Evans cried as she covered her face with her hands.

    As Goldman testified, state Rep. Betty Thompson (D-St. Louis) sat, muttering under her breath, “This man is a judge. This man is a judge.

    But there were also repeated murmurs that the story of Ellen Reasonover is all too familiar. “Those people made their careers on the backs of people like Ellen Reasonover,” Dockett said. “Most of them have become wealthy, because Ellen Reasonover dared to be born black and poor.”

    Reasonover’s hearing — perhaps her last chance at freedom — probably wouldn’t have happened if Centurion Ministries, a nonprofit group from New Jersey, hadn’t hired Pilate and Sindel to pursue the evidentiary hearing in federal court. Reasonover’s first appeal failed after her lawyer didn’t file the right paperwork, and after that, she was left with little recourse.

    “Very few poor or black people can afford this,” Dockett says, “And we commend Centurion Ministries for helping us be here today. This was a grassroots effort, and we, like Ellen Reasonover, will prevail.”

    Judge Hamilton is expected to rule in August whether Reasonover should get a new trial.

  • Easy Money

    At dusk, the mist wreathes halos around the headlight beams of the cars whooshing up the westbound entrance ramp onto Highway 30 from Route 141. The harried travelers come in waves: wheels whirring, wipers wiping, racing through the gathering darkness, with windows rolled up against the damp, chill air.

    None of them hear the spring peepers on the far side of the guardrail, down the embankment among the shallow stands of flood water. In the fading light, they can’t see Fenton Creek running brown, either, as the stream carries away the topsoil from the barren hillside that looms over this crossroads. Behind the First Baptist Church, where the Wednesday-night prayer meeting is in progress, twisted clumps of forest debris are all that remain of the trees that once grew here.

    That the wooded hillside survived almost into the new millennium is no small feat. But in this case the 28.5-acre slope has been clear-cut not for logging purposes but for retail sales. The groundbreaking for the new Fenton Crossing shopping center, which will be anchored by a Dierbergs supermarket, took place on April 15.

    To develop this area, the hill itself will be sawed in half and the creek bed relocated. Plans call for excavating 640,000 cubic yards of earth, with more than half of those materials to be hauled from the site. By next year, much of the ground will be graded and covered with asphalt. The work entails blasting a series of rock terraces into the incline. An architectural rendering of the finished product depicts a manmade palisade towering 100 feet over the strip mall.

    The cost of this project is estimated at $23.8 million, with more than $6.7 million of it to be publicly subsidized.

    Another way to view the site is to drive farther west on Highway 30 and double back on Country Home Road. Once beyond the Summit Heights subdivision and the monolithic Solid Rock Ministries church, with its bank-style time-and-temperature display, the road narrows into the kind of lane that its name denotes. Traffic thins out here and rural mailboxes still line the shoulder, but things are about to change. Nearby, the road abruptly ends at a sign that says: “Welcome to the City of Fenton, pop. 3,343.” Behind the sign, two yellow bulldozers stand idle in the mud.

    After the city recently annexed this area, it took the land of one property owner through eminent domain. As a result, Joe Murphy’s property is now within spitting distance of the new development. The Murphy homestead is situated near the crest of the hill, about a quarter-mile off of Old Smizer Mill Road. Murphy, 69, lives there with his wife, Joyce. English ivy climbs one corner of their shake-shingled cottage; conifers tower in the background. There are a screened-in porch and a toolshed out back.

    “They kind of ruined it. That will be a cliff soon,” says Murphy, referring to the adjacent area that has already been clear-cut. “I imagine we’ll be able to see the tops of some roofs. There will probably be some noise and some lights and so forth. It’s just heartrending to see the bulldozers. A tree that’s been sitting around for 150 years they can knock over in about 15 seconds.

    “We’ve owned the place for 72 years,” he continues. “I was born here. My dad bought it in 1927. I’ve always said that the law was for the rich and the poor. The little guy in the middle is the guy who really gets screwed.”

    Murphy is alluding to the tax-increment financing (TIF) statute. Under the state law, a municipality can designate a redevelopment area as a TIF district if it meets certain criteria. This allows the city to issue bonds that pay for the necessary infrastructure improvements to spur new development, including the purchase of property. In addition, the money can be used for everything from constructing roadways to paying for legal and consulting fees. The debt is then amortized — for up to 23 years — by earmarking half the increases in applicable sales and property taxes generated by the new development.

    TIF, which originated in California decades ago, became sanctioned in Missouri in 1982. The framers of the law intended for it to stimulate economic growth in the inner city, not realizing that statute loopholes would allow for its eventual misappropriation. After federal tax credits shriveled up during the Reagan era, private developers began to seek other ways of capitalizing their ventures with public funding. They hit on TIF because it provides for up-front financing rather than tax breaks later.

    As a result, TIF use has soared in the last few years for all the wrong reasons. Instead of helping neglected urban settings, the law is frequently used nowadays to promote suburban retail projects. Sometimes, as in Fenton, the public subsidy triggered by the law is used not to clean up abandoned areas but to “straighten out” natural phenomena such as hillsides.

    More often, it is used in the inner suburbs to finance the acquisition of residential property. In these cases, TIF employs a carrot-and-stick approach. Developers, with the assurance of TIF backing, will routinely acquire options to buy housing at above-market value. But their enticing solicitations to homeowners come with an implicit threat. Under the law, the city can invoke eminent domain and expropriate the property. The dubious public-private alliance also allows for the blighting of entire neighborhoods for the scantiest of reasons. Once an area is marked for such redevelopment, it tends to freeze any financial investment, and home and commercial improvements are placed in abeyance. Disinvestment becomes the rule, not the exception, which ultimately leads to further decline.

    In short, TIF has become a form of corporate welfare, pumping public money into private projects where subsidization is unwarranted. Moreover, it’s a growth industry that provides not only lucrative business opportunities for developers but also further enriches the lawyers, consultants and construction contractors who do their bidding. Losers in the TIF game are the consumers, who are forced to subsidize the projects through sales taxes, and school districts, which are deprived of the increased tax revenues generated by TIF projects.

    There are about 40 TIF proposals currently on the books in St. Louis County, according to the county planning department. They are spread across the map from Bel Ridge in the north to Valley Park in the south. Nearly half of these publicly subsidized projects are retail developments and several more fall into the mixed-use category, which includes a large percentage of retail space. Some projects have been completed, whereas others are yet to be approved (see chart on page 20). Although a few TIF projects deserve accolades for stimulating growth in economically depressed neighborhoods (see sidebar on page 22), economists, regional planners, politicians and lawyers interviewed for this story believe that TIF — as it is now being applied — is widely abused.

    In part, the abuse of the law stems from its ambiguity. “The problem may well be the flexibility that the statute gives the municipalities,” says Peter W. Salsich Jr., a law professor at St. Louis University. “The concept was that it was supposed to be used to restore blighted inner city and inner-ring suburbs. To me, the key question is (whether) the area is blighted and is in need of this kind of public support in order to get turned around. When people get carried away with these things, there is eventually going to be a backlash.”

    David Merriman, an economist at Loyola University in Chicago, estimates that more than half the states now use some form of TIF. “TIFs are almost always a bad idea,” says Merriman, who has studied the effects of the law. “The research we did was on cities in the Chicago metropolitan area. Our conclusion was that cities that have TIF actually grew more slowly than cities that didn’t have TIF. The reason we think that this happened is that by using TIF you are essentially stealing from the rest of the city to concentrate on a few areas that you’re trying to develop. So it’s actually costly to the city. You’re moving development around in an inefficient way.”

    The Fenton Crossing project is being developed by Sansone Group, one of the most prominent TIF players in St. Louis County. Sansone built the Promenade on Brentwood with the help of TIF. The same developer is currently involved in controversial TIF projects or proposals in Hazelwood, Eureka, Rock Hill and Olivette.

    Last year, the city of Fenton expanded its TIF district to include the hill on the other side of Highway 30. The plan also calls for the redevelopment of the existing Wal-Mart and Shop ‘N Save stores in the old downtown section. Altogether, the Fenton proposal has ballooned to a projected cost of almost $193 million, with more than $50 million in public funds coming from the TIF designation.

    PGAV Urban Consulting, a St. Louis-based firm specializing in TIF-related matters, prepared the redevelopment plan for the city of Fenton. PGAV and other consulting firms have honed the art of defining large tracts of land — hillsides or already developed commercial areas — as blighted or in danger of blight so the areas can be designated TIF districts. As mentioned, the Fenton TIF district calls for the redevelopment of the existing downtown section, and PGAV’s study cited a deteriorating infrastructure — including a cracked Taco Bell sign — as sufficient indication that the area was drifting toward blight. That was deemed enough to justify a TIF-district designation, including the undeveloped hillside near the highway. The proposed plan allocates only about $4.5 million of the budgeted costs to spruce up the Olde Towne downtown section. More than $47 million in TIF, on the other hand, will go toward clearing the land to make way for the new developments on either side of the intersection of Highway 30 west of Route 141.

    The Fenton redevelopment plan writes off the existing downtown area as obsolete, a throwback to the 19th century, and endorses enlarging the city’s commercial strip through westward expansion. “In contemporary terms, attracting commercial and mixed-use development means that parcels of sufficient size with appropriate width and depth dimensions, appropriate site topography, and appropriate access must be available,” according to PGAV’s redevelopment plan. “Such parcels must be located along and have easy access to major roadways and have excellent visibility from these roadways.”

    G.J. Grewe is the other developer involved in the project. Similar to the Sansone’s Dierbergs project, the opposite hillside will be blasted away to create a level area for another strip mall and parking lot. Ironically, the name of the new development is to be Gravois Bluffs.

    James E. Mello, the attorney for Grewe, says that the use of TIF is appropriate in the Fenton development and elsewhere. “There has always been government participation in economic development. TIF doesn’t change that,” says Mello, a partner in the law firm of Armstrong, Teasdale, Schlafly and Davis. “It’s always been there in one form or another. You had tax abatement. You had federal grants. Those programs don’t exist anymore.”

    Mello, a former Ferguson city manager, is a director of the Missouri Tax Increment Financing Association, a group dedicated to the use of the state statute to its legal limits. As a lawyer who specializes in municipal issues, he bristles at the idea that TIF is being misapplied in this case. “I think you really got to look not at the tool that’s being used,” says Mello, “but the public purpose of trying to maintain your economic base and strengthen it. Sometimes it is a public-private partnership that has to be used to accomplish that.”

    Nothing in the law now precludes a city from annexing a proposed TIF district. Nor does the statute prohibit a municipality from subsequently using dynamite to blow away hillsides that stand in the way of economic progress. But is this what the law intended? Salsich, the law professor, issues a caveat in this respect. “My question is (whether) the area is blighted,” he says. “There is nothing wrong with the idea itself. You’re basically using the taxes to pay for infrastructure in that spot. But, if it gets misused, you’re not accomplishing your purpose.”

    By rearranging the geological structure of the area, Fenton has laid rightful claim to the regional frontier of TIF development.

    In the inner-ring suburbs of St. Louis County, TIF subsidies are used for another questionable purpose, the buyout of homeowners at exorbitant prices. The law allows for the artificial inflation of property values at taxpayers’ expense. By manipulating residential-real-estate market forces, TIF creates a different kind of upheaval — the displacement of human populations. The proposed project in Olivette is a good example of this unacknowledged diaspora.

    According to plan, Chickasaw Drive is crumbling a little bit at a time, like the chink in the pavement under the front left tire of Irv Zeid’s red Toyota.

    In 1956, when the street was new, Zeid and his family moved into their ranch-style home in Arrowhead Park, shortly after the Olivette subdivision opened. In those days, he commuted to work at the family-owned furniture and clothing store in North St. Louis. At home, his wife and he raised two sons, who attended nearby Hilltop Elementary School. The school acted as a common bond for residents of the neighborhood, and Zeid became more involved in the community as a subdivision trustee. Later, he ran successfully for a seat on the city council. The license plates on his Toyota identify him as Mayor Z, in honor of his one-year term as municipal leader between 1975 and 1976.

    At 70 years of age, Zeid looks back on his civic career with pride. He has served on every conceivable municipal board or panel, and confronted an array of local issues, from annexations to potholes. “I still have a constituency,” he says, seated in the dinette of his Arrowhead Park residence. The half-drawn drapes allow natural light to filter through a cracked picture window. In the living room, oversized ceramic lamps harken back to an earlier suburban era, as does the chandelier, which resembles an inverted space-age menorah. Mayor Z, as he refers to himself, says he would like to buy new carpeting and furniture and replace the gutter and rotting fascia on the front of the residence. He would like to fix up the house, but his plans for renovating have been put on hold for nearly two years.

    It’s not altogether clear how long Mayor Z’s self-proclaimed constituency will remain intact, either. Like those of his neighbors throughout Arrowhead Park, Zeid’s life is in limbo; the same uncertainty faces residents of the adjacent subdivisions of Hilltop Woods and Fairlight Downs.

    As he explains his predicament, he leans his elbows on the pile of newspapers on top of the dinette table and describes how the stress has taken its toll. For more than an hour, a half-filled cup of black coffee is left untouched as he continues to talk. The man sitting at the dinette table looks older than the one in the family portrait on the wall. With each new tale, it becomes more evident that Mayor Z, in his current role of subdivision trustee, is facing the most disturbing quandary of his political career.

    “It’s made me sick to my stomach,” says Zeid. “I’ve now got a spastic colon. From day to day, it can cause me a lot of problems.”

    Zeid, who has devoted a lifetime to his community, now favors wiping his neighborhood off the map, including his own house. He is not alone. His views are shared by the vast majority of the nearly 300 homeowners located on an 85-acre tract of land north of Olive Boulevard between Interstate 170 and Price Road. All of these residents have been persuaded to sell their homes because the TIF subsidy allows the developer the luxury of buying the property at prices far above the going rate.

    As in Fenton, the Olivette development is being driven by Sansone Group — in this case, through a partnership with THF Realty. The proposal includes building a Wal-Mart, Sam’s Wholesale Club, Shop ‘N Save and a Lowe’s or Home Depot.

    Last month, the city finally signed a memorandum of understanding with the developer to permit up to $38.9 million in TIF financing for the proposed Wal-Mart project, which has a total projected cost of between $107 to $111 million. In other words, more than a third of this private development will be financed with public funding. The Olivette TIF Commission will next meet on June 9 to consider approving the proposal.

    Requesting TIF assistance has become a routine operating procedure for developers like Sansone. But there is a continuing debate over the efficacy of the law. As one St. Louis County municipal official put it: “I believe there have been abuses of TIF in St. Louis County. In this day and age, every developer comes to town with his or her hand out. They’re looking for that subsidy that is known as tax-increment financing.”

    Supporters of TIF, on the other hand, argue that the law allows economic development in areas that would otherwise go begging. Zeid, for example, defends the Olivette TIF proposal on the grounds that the city has no other way of increasing its tax base because there is no room for it to expand further. “The city needs the money,” he says. “The only way to do it is to get commercial in here.”

    The developers concur with Zeid, arguing that the expense of building shopping centers mandates governmental assistance. “If it were not for TIF,” says Jim Lewis of THF, “these projects would never come close to happening. You can’t buy 280 homes and make the numbers work for any type of a shopping-area development. You’re subsidizing private development because the numbers would never work without a subsidy.” Lewis’ statements sound reasonable except for a crucial detail — the TIF statute was designed to address blight, not to buy out perfectly livable residential property.

    In attorney Mello’s view, the rationale for defending TIF may change with the terrain or the clientele, but its rewards remain immutable. In Fenton, where he represents a developer’s interests, the Armstrong-Teasdale lawyer asserts that the city needs to expand its borders to pursue its economic destiny. In Olivette, where he represents residents aching for a buyout, a neighborhood is worthy of condemnation to accommodate market forces. TIF can be equally exploited in both locations.

    But critics maintain that suburban retail TIF developments don’t really create new economic activity. Instead, they purloin a portion of the pre-existing tax base from neighboring cities. With municipalities throughout St. Louis County vying for their share of sales-tax revenue, TIF has become an incentive for competing cities to snatch a bigger piece of the pie.

    To Lee Brotherton, an Olivette resident, TIF is a bane to the St. Louis-area economy. “It seems to me that the city of Olivette ought to pay a little more attention to the debate that’s been going on in this region now for at least a decade about trying to eliminate the pointless, unproductive profit system between the municipalities, the simple tax grabs that don’t benefit our community,” Brotherton told the Olivette TIF Commission at a hearing in April.

    Brotherton is a former aide to St. Louis County Executive George “Buzz” Westfall; he currently serves on the East-West Gateway Coordinating Council, the regional planning agency. “Where is this new revenue that is going to be captured coming from?” asks Brotherton. “Is it coming from Overland? In the long run, (this) is not going to be a benefit to the people of Olivette or to the people of the St. Louis area. It’s bad public policy and it’s bad government.” Brotherton adds that there are ample shopping outlets within minutes of the proposed Olivette development, including the Target store in Brentwood — another Sansone TIF development.

    Following his public comments, Brotherton expanded on his criticism of the Olivette TIF proposal. “It’s clear that the people running the city government decided long ago that they were going to have a TIF development,” says Brotherton. “It is also clear that they made absolutely no effort to weigh whether or not this was good for the area in general. As an Olivette resident, I care about Overland and I care about the other surrounding communities, and this is short-term gain and long-term loss. It’s really insulting to propose this development. I mean, we have the opportunity to have a Wal-Mart? Now a Wal-Mart by any other name is still a Wal-Mart. We don’t need another big, ugly warehouse in our community. We need a stronger regional economy. That’s the bottom line.”

    Whether cash-strapped cities see TIF as a panacea or a necessary evil, the results are the same: Established neighborhoods are being destroyed, falling prey to TIF subsidies, which allow Sansone, THF and other developers to buy out property owners at above market value.

    To be decreed a TIF district, the law requires the area be designated an economic-redevelopment zone and be declared blighted or tending toward that end. Arrowhead Park falls in the latter category, having been defined under TIF to be a “conservation area.” To qualify as a “conservation area” under the TIF statute, 50 percent of the housing stock within the TIF district must be 35 years of age or older. In the aging, inner-ring suburbs of St. Louis County, this criterion can be easily met. It is a loophole in the law large enough to drive a bulldozer through.

    When a municipality becomes bent on pursuing a TIF project, the whole process becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. All investments are put on hold. Home sales halt. Roofs are not replaced. Houses aren’t painted. Additions aren’t built. Normal life comes to a standstill. Years may pass.

    Meanwhile, property taxes get spent elsewhere, as everyone waits for the deal to go down. Each inaction reinforces the next. The Olivette TIF proposal, for instance, points to the deteriorating streets — the chink in the street in front of Zeid’s house — that the city itself has refused to repair. Since signing options to sell their properties, many homeowners have already relocated and rented out their former residences. The Olivette TIF proposal cites the increase in decaying housing and rise of rental units as another sign of deterioration. The neighborhood is in the process of destroying itself, with the assistance of the city and TIF.

    Zeid finds himself caught in the middle, having taken on the role of a behind-the-scenes negotiator. “I’m kind of frustrated because I think the developers are using me, as well as the city,” he acknowledges. “The city knows I’m in contact with the developers, and they can use me to try and get their points across and vice versa.”

    It all began in July 1997, says Zeid. While he was busy carrying out his duties as an organizer for Olivette’s annual Summerfest celebration, Sansone Group, through a third-party real-estate agent, was quietly obtaining options to buy the houses on the 30-acre tract that fronts Olive Boulevard. The Sansone proposal would have left Zeid and his neighbors surrounded by commercial and industrial property.

    After word of the deal was leaked by St. Louis Post-Dispatch columnist Jerry Berger, Zeid and his fellow subdivision trustees convinced the Olivette City Council that Arrowhead Park should be included in the development. The subdivision then hired Mello. Meanwhile, a competing effort was under way by THF Realty, which contacted the Armstrong-Teasdale law firm and started buying options on houses in Arrowhead Park, says Zeid. Ultimately, the two competing developers formed a partnership to develop the entire 80-acre tract.

    “When the city was starting to negotiate with both developers, they were trying to play one developer against the other, trying to get the best deal for the city,” says Zeid. “Nobody ever thought they would merge, because these guys were known not to have a fondness for each other.”

    The partnership, indeed, seems to be a marriage of convenience. Sansone Group possessed the bulk of the sales options on the front half of the needed property but had failed to include Arrowhead Park in its proposal. This left THF an opening. Michael Staenberg and E. Stanley Kroenke own THF. The latter developer holds an interest in the St. Louis Rams football team. More important, he sits on the board of directors of Wal-Mart, and his wife is the niece of the late Sam Walton, the founder of the retail behemoth. Forbes magazine recently estimated her worth at more than $600 million.

    That Kroenke is married into the Walton family is merely a coincidence and has nothing to do with his realty company’s efforts to build a Wal-Mart in Olivette, says Lewis, the spokesman for THF in St. Louis. “We have no tie to Wal-Mart other than we’ve developed a lot of shopping centers with them,” he says.

    Using TIF money to raze hundreds of houses to make way for a Wal-Mart is an idea that astonishes Merriman, the Loyola economist. “That’s insane. If people are living in the houses, there is no way I would think that (possible),” he says. “A lot of times TIFs have moved very far from the original intent. That’s one of the things that I find disturbing. You start out with this law that makes some sense, even (that’s) debatable, and then the way that it’s implemented makes no sense.”

    In a position paper released in April, the East-West Gateway Coordinating Council, the regional-planning agency, acknowledged the problems endemic to TIF. “In the mobile regional marketplace, many local governments are vulnerable to pressure from private developers to make tax increment financing available in order to ‘win’ new jobs, retail activity, and associated sales tax revenues,” says the report. “In the absence of other tools and enforcement standards regarding its use, TIF districts are cropping up throughout the region in areas in which evidence of blight and distress is scant or non-existent. Nor is it always defensible that public sector intervention in the market is necessary in order for the redevelopment to occur.

    “If the region is going to stabilize the industrial and commercial areas which are truly blights on the economic landscape, TIF must be targeted to its originally-intended use. Individual local governments acting alone cannot make this happen. It requires both statutory and procedural changes and a long-term commitment to more sweeping reform.”

    East-West Gateway recommends the following changes to the TIF law:

    *Blighting for TIF developments should be restricted to economically distressed areas.

    *Public-sector-intervention standards should be established and enforced.
    *TIF proposals should be approved by an objective third party.
    *TIF-district boundaries should not extend beyond the area found to be blighted.

    *Cost-benefit-analysis requirements should be more stringently applied.
    Anthony F. Sansone Sr., the patriarch of the Sansone Group, will never be displaced or disturbed by a TIF project. The 73-year-old developer is far from the bulldozers’ roar, ensconced in the tony St. Louis County suburb of Huntleigh, where, according to St. Louis County property records, he occupies a 15-room mansion that has seven baths and a market value of almost $1.5 million.

    Reaping TIF benefits is but the latest good fortune to befall Sansone, whose financial affairs have flourished in the gray realm where private interests and public policy come together. Over the years, newspaper accounts have alleged a litany of improprieties from which Sansone Sr.’s business interests have reportedly profited. Many of the accounts contain references to associations with political and organized-crime figures.

    For instance, in 1964, Sansone acted as campaign manager for his business partner, Alfonso J. Cervantes, who successfully ran for mayor of St. Louis that year.

    Once in office, Cervantes named Sansone Sr.’s brother to the influential post of city assessor. Prior to this appointment, Joseph C. Sansone was a partner with Anthony Sansone Sr. in the family’s real-estate business. By 1967, Sansone Realty Co., then located at 4705 Hampton Ave., had its property taxes rolled back by more than 50 percent, according to a story in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat.

    A 1970 Life magazine story, by former Globe-Democrat reporter Denny Walsh, focused national attention on Cervantes’ relationship with Sansone Sr. The story told, among other things, how Sansone arranged a 1964 campaign-strategy session between his father-in-law, Jimmie Michaels, then head of the Syrian organized-crime faction in St. Louis, and Cervantes. After Cervantes won the mayoral primary, the Life story reported that Sansone Sr. later attended another strategy meeting with Michaels and Anthony “Tony G” Giordano, then the leader of the St. Louis Mafia. After publication of the Life story, Sansone denied in news accounts that the meetings took place.

    Sansone’s associations drew additional scrutiny in 1972, when he appeared as a witness in a federal anti-racketeering trial in Los Angeles. Under oath, he testified that in 1967 he had withdrawn a $150,000 investment in the Frontier Casino in Las Vegas, after being notified he would be required to apply for a Nevada gaming license. Federal prosecutors had alleged that Mafiosi in St. Louis and Detroit were trying to gain illegal control of the casino. Sansone, the prosecutors alleged, traveled to Las Vegas with Giordano to make the investment. Sansone denied the charge but testified that he was acquainted with Giordano through family ties.

    With the passage of time, however, these eyebrow-raising headlines have been mostly forgotten, and the Sansone Group, as it is now known, goes about its business with little publicity. News stories that chronicle TIF projects are buried in the business section of the daily newspaper or relegated to the pages of the neighborhood weeklies. At the same time, the abuse of TIF keeps pressing the envelope of legality.

    In Hazelwood, Sansone is involved in the redevelopment of the Elm Grove Plaza on Lindbergh. The proposal includes the demolition of 10 houses, with a TIF subsidy of $2.5 million on a $12 million project. In Eureka, Sansone has teamed up with Prime Retail Inc. and is set to begin building an outlet mall with a $35 million TIF subsidy. In Rock Hill, Sansone has been given the go-ahead for a 25-acre development at the intersection of Manchester and McKnight roads. The proposed $24 million mixed-use TIF project would raze 125 middle-income housing units and replace the existing neighborhood with a strip mall and luxury condominiums costing from $200,000-$300,000 each.

    “Development is our business,” says Doug Sansone, a spokesman for Sansone Group. He declined any further comment, saying that members of the family-controlled company didn’t want to be quoted for fear that they would be portrayed in a negative light.

    Space exists at a premium in the retail-development world, a world measured in dollars per square foot. “Big box,” “mega mall,” “power center” and “category killer” are all part of the real-estate jargon that describes the alterations that society is undergoing to fit the expansion of the market economy into the next millennium.